606 lines
581 KiB
HTML
606 lines
581 KiB
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<h3>Recommendations</h3>
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<p><a href="/recommendedreading/401-music-store-manager.html">Only Jesus</a> (great song by Big Daddy)</p>
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<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/jwoogm-20?node=1&page=2">What Did Jesus Say?</a> (2012) - 7 topics </p>
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<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/justjesus0ece-20">Just Jesus: His Living Words (2011)</a></p>
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<p>None above affiliated with me</p> </div>
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<h1 style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">Albert Schweitzer, Paul & His Interpreters (1911) -<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> text is highlighted in yellow so you can see with text running into right side-header.</span></span></h1>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">"The apostle (Paul)<strong> lied </strong>[about Peter not] walking uprightly...." (Jerome, quoted by Augustine 397 A.D.)</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">THE LIBRARY of VICTORIA UNIVERSITY Toronto BY THE SAME AUTHOR THE QUEST OF THE HISTORICAL JESUS </span></p>
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<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">TRANSLATED BY W. MONTGOMERY, B.A., B.D. WITH A PREFACE BY F. C. BURKITT, M.A., U.D. NORRISIAN PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY </span></p>
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<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE SECOND EDITION 1911 </span></p>
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<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">" The most remarkable theological work which has appeared in recent years in Germany ... a book of the highest interest." The Times. "This remarkable book. . . must play an important part in the history of the Higher Criticism of the Gospels." The Cambridge Review.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PREFACE </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">THE present work forms the continuation of my <em>History of the Critical Study of the Life of Jesus</em>, which appeared in 1906 under the title " Von Reimarus zu Wrede." [Footnote 1] Any one who deals with the teaching and the life and work of Jesus, and offers any kind of new reading of it, ought not to stop there, but must be held under obligation to trace, from the stand-point at which he has arrived, the pathway leading to the history of dogma. Only in this way can it be clearly shown what his discovery is worth. The great and still undischarged task which confronts those engaged in the historical study of primitive Christianity is to explain how the teaching of Jesus developed into the early Greek theology, in the form in which it appears in the works of Ignatius, Justin, Tertullian and Irenaeus. <em><strong>How could the doctrinal system of Paul arise on the basis of the life and work of Jesus and the beliefs of the primitive com munity</strong></em>; and how did the early Greek theology arise out of Paulinism ?</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">Strauss and Renan recognised the obligation, and each endeavoured in a series of works to trace the path leading from Jesus to the history of dogma. Since their time no one who has dealt with the life of Jesus has attempted to follow this course. Meanwhile the history of dogma, on its part, has come to place the teaching of Jesus, as well as that of Paul, outside the scope of its investigations and to regard its own task as</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<hr />
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">#1 Footnote : " Eine Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung." English translation " <em>The Quest of the Historical Jesus</em>." London, A. &lt;& C. Black, 1910, 2nd ed. 1911. </span><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<hr />
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">[<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">vi</span>] PREFACE</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">beginning at the point where the undisputed and general Hellenisation of Christianity sets in. It describes therefore the growth of Greek theology, but not of Christian theology as a whole. And because it leaves the transition from Jesus to Paul, and from Paul to Justin and Ignatius, unexplained, and therefore fails to arrive at any intelligible and consistent conception of Christian dogma as a whole, the edifice which it erects has no secure basis. Any one who knows and admires Harnack s " History of Dogma" is aware that the solid mason-work only begins in the Greek period ; what precedes is not placed on firm foundations but only supported on piles. Paulinism is an integral part of the history of dogma ; for the history of dogma begins immediately upon the death of Jesus.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">Critical theology, in dividing up the history of the develop ment of thought in primitive Christianity into the separate departments, Life of Jesus, Apostolic Age, History of Dogma, and clinging to this division as if it were something more than a mere convention of the academic syllabus, makes a confession of incompetence and resigns all hope of putting the history of dogma on a secure basis. Moreover, the separate departments thus left isolated are liable to fall into all kinds of confusions and errors, and it becomes a necessity of existence to them not to be compelled to follow their theories beyond the cunningly placed boundaries, or to be prepared to show at any moment how their view accords with the preceding and following stages in the development of thought. This independence and autonomy of the different de partments of study begins with the downfall of the edifice con structed by<em><strong> Baur. He was the last who dared to conceive, and to deal with, the history of dogma in the large and general sense as the scientific study of the development of the teaching of Jesus into the early Greek theology.</strong></em> After him begins, with Ritschl, the narrower and more convenient conception of the subject, which resigns its imperial authority over the departments of study dealing with the Life of Jesus,</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PREFACE [<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"><strong>vii</strong></span>] Primitive Christianity and Paulinism, and allows these to be come independent. In the works of Ritschl himself this new departure is not clearly apparent, because he still formally includes the teaching of Jesus, of Paul, and of primitive Christianity within the sphere of the history of dogma. But instead of explaining the differences between the various types of belief and doctrine, he glosses them over in such a way that he practically denies the development of the thoughts, and makes it impossible for a really scientific study of the teaching of Jesus and of Paulinism to fit into the ready- made frame which he provides. Ritschl shares with Baur the <em><strong>presupposition that primitive dogma arose out of the teaching of Jesus by an organic and logical process</strong></em>. The separate disciplines which began after them have shown that this assumption is false.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">Of a " development " in the ordinary sense there can be no question, because closer investigation has not confirmed the existence of the natural lines of connexion which might a priori have been supposed to be self-evident, but reveals instead unintelligible gaps. This is the real reason why the different departments of study maintain their independence. <em><strong>The system of the Apostle of the Gentiles stands over AJ ( against the teaching of Jesus as something of an entirely different character, and does not create the impression of having arisen out of it</strong></em>.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">But how is such a new creation of Christian ideas and that within a bare two or three decades after the death of Jesus at all conceivable ? From Paulinism, again, there are no visible lines of connexion leading to early Greek theology. <em><strong>Ignatius and Justin do not take over his ideas, but create, in their turn, something new</strong></em>. According to the assumption which in itself appears most natural, one would be prepared to see in the teaching of Jesus a mountain-mass, continued by the lofty summits of the Pauline range, and from these gradually falling away to the lower levels of the early Catholic theology. In reality the teaching of Jesus and that of the great Apostle are like two separate ranges of hills, lying irregularly disposed in</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">[<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">vii</span>]i PREFACE front of the later " Gospel." Even the relation which each severally bears to primitive Christianity remains uncertain. This want of connexion must have some explanation. The task of historical science is to understand why these two systems of teaching are necessarily independent, and at the same time to point out the geological fault and dislocation of the strata, and enable us to recognise the essential continuity of these formations and the process by which they have taken their present shape. The edifice constructed by Baur has fallen ; but his large and comprehensive conception of the history of dogma ought not to be given up. It is wholly wrong to ignore the problem at which he laboured and so create the false impression that it has been solved. Present day criticism is far from having explained how Paulinism and Greek theology have arisen out of the teaching of Jesus. All it has really done is to have gained some insight into the difficulties, and to have made it increasingly evident that the question of the Hellenisation of Christianity is the fundamental problem of the history of dogma. It could not really hope to find a solution, because it is still working away with the presuppositions of Baur, Ritschl, and Renan, and has already tried three or four times over all the experiments which are possible on this basis, without ever attaining to a real insight into the course of the development. It has approached this or that problem differently, has given a new version not to say in some cases a perversion of it ; but it has not succeeded in giving a satisfactory answer to the question when and how the Gospel was Hellenised. It has not even attained to clearness in regard to the condition in which the Gospel existed prior to its Hellenisa tion. It has not ventured to mark off with perfect distinctness the two worlds of thought with which the process is concerned, and to formulate the problem as being that of explaining how the Gospel, which was originally purely Jewish and eschatological, became Greek in form and content. That this could really have come about, it takes to be a priori </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PREFACE [<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">ix</span>] impossible. It therefore seeks to soften down the antitheses as much as possible, to find in the teaching of Jesus thoughts which force their way out of the frame of the Jewish eschato- logical conceptions and have the character of universal religion, and in the teaching of Paul to discover a " genuinely Christian," and also a Hellenic element, alongside of the Rabbinic material. Theological science has in fact been dominated by the desire to minimise as much as possible the element of Jewish Apocalyptic in Jesus and Paul, and so far as possible to represent the Hellenisation of the Gospel as having been prepared for by them. It thinks it has gained something when in formulating the problem it has done its best to soften down the antitheses to the utmost with a view to providing every facility for conceiving the transition of the Gospel from one world of thought to the other. In following this method Baur and Renan proceed with a simple confidence which is no longer possible to present day theology. But in spite of that it must still continue to follow the same lines, because it has still to work with the old pre suppositions and the weakening down of the problem which they imply. The result is in every respect unsatisfactory. The solution remains as impossible as it was before, and the simplifications which were supposed to be provided in the statement of the problem have only created new difficulties. The thoroughgoing application of Jewish eschatology to the interpretation of the teaching and work of Jesus has created a new fact upon which to base the history of dogma. If the view developed at the close of my " Quest of the Histori cal Jesus " is sound, the teaching of Jesus does not in any of its aspects go outside the Jewish world of thought and project itself into a non- Jewish world, but represents a deeply ethical and perfected version of the contemporary Apocalyptic. Therefore the Gospel is at its starting-point exclusively Jewish-eschatological. The sharply antithetic formulation of the problem of the Hellenisation of Christianity, which it was always hoped to avoid, is proved by the facts recorded in the Synoptists to be the only admissible one. Accordingly, </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">[<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">x</span>] PREFACE the history of dogma has to show how what was originally purely Jewish-eschatological has developed into something that is Greek. The expedients and evasions hitherto current have been dismissed from circulation. The primary task is to define the position of Paul. Is he the first stage of the Hellenising process, or is his system of thought, like that of primitive Christianity, to be con ceived as purely J ewish-eschatological ? Usually the former is taken for granted, because he detached Christianity from Judaism, and because otherwise his thoughts do not seem to be easily explicable. Besides, it was feared that if the teaching of the Apostle of the Gentiles, as well as primitive Christianity, were regarded as purely J ewish-eschatological, the problem of the Hellenisation of the Gospel would become so acute as to make the possibility of solving it more remote than ever. Moreover, the theological study of history is apt, even though unconsciously, to give ear to practical considerations. At bottom, it is guided by the instinct that whatever in the primitive Gospel is capable of being Hellenised may also be considered capable of being modernised. It therefore seeks to discern in Paul s teaching as also in that of Jesus as much as possible that " transcends Judaism," that has the character of" universal religion " and " essential Christianity." It is haunted by the apprehension that the significance of Christianity, and its adaptation to our times, is dependent on justifying the modernisation of it on the lines hitherto followed and in accordance with the historical views hitherto current. Those who have faced the recognition that the teaching of Jesus is eschatologically conditioned cannot be brought by considerations of this kind, scientific or unscientific, to entertain any doubt as to the task which awaits them. That is, to apply this new view to the explanation of the transition to the history of dogma, and as the first step in that direction, to undertake a new formulation of the problem of Paulinism. They will naturally endeavour to find out how far the exclusively eschatological conception of the </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PREFACE [<span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">xi</span> ]Gospel manifests its influence in the thoughts of the Apostle of the Gentiles, and will take into account the possibility that his system, strange as this may at first sight appear, may have developed wholly and solely out of that conception. As in the case of the study of the life of Jesus, the problem and the way to its solution will be developed by means of a survey of what has hitherto been done. At the same time this method of presentation will serve to promote the knowledge of the past periods of the science. Since it is impossible for students, and indeed for the younger teachers, to read for themselves all the works of earlier times, the danger arises that on the one hand the names will remain mere empty names, and on the other that, from ignorance, solutions will be tried over again which have already been advanced and have proved untenable. An attempt has therefore been made in this book to give a sufficient insight into what has been done so far, and to provide a substitute for the reading of such works as are not either of classical importance or still gener ally accessible. For practical reasons the method adopted in my former book, of attaching the statement of the new view to the history of earlier views, has not been followed here. This view will be developed and defended in a separate work bearing the title " The Pauline Mysticism " (" Die Mystik des Apostels Paulus "), which will appear at an early date. The English and American literature of the subject has not been included in this study, since the works in question were not in all cases accessible to me, and an insufficient acquaintance with the language raised a barrier. Nor have I aimed at giving, even with this limitation, a complete enumeration of all the studies of Paul s teaching. I have only desired to cite works which either played a part of some value in the development of Pauline study, or were in some way typical. The fact that a work has been left unmentioned does not by any means necessarily imply that it has not been examined. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">ALBERT SCHWEITZER. igth Sept. 1911. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE THE BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD . i </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER II BAUR AND HIS CRITICS . . . .12 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER III FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN . . . .22 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER IV H. J. HOLTZMANN . . . . .100 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER V CRITICAL QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESES . . 1 1 7 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER VI THE POSITION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY . . . . . -151 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER VII PAULINISM AND COMPARATIVE RELIGION . . .179 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">CHAPTER VIII SUMMING-UP AND FORMULATION OF THE PROBLEM . 237 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">INDEX ..... .251 xiii </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PAUL AND HIS INTERPRETERS i THE BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Hugo Grotius. Annotationes in Novum Testamentum. 1641-1646. Johann Jakob Rambach. Institutiones hermeneuticae sacrae. 1723. Siegmund Jakob Baumgarten. Unterricht der Auslegung der heiligen Schrift. (Instructions in the art of Expounding Holy Scripture.) 1742. Johann Christoph Wolf. Curae philologicae et criticae. 1741. Johann August Ernesti. Institutio interpretis Novi Testamenti. 1762. (Eng. Trans., Biblical Interpretation of the New Testament, Edinburgh, 1832-1833.) Johann Salomo Semler. Vorbereitung zur theologischen Hermeneutic. (Introduction to Theological Hermeneutic.) 1760-1769. Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des Canons. (Essay on the free Investigation of the Canon.) 1771-1775. Neuer Versuch die gemeinniitzige Auslegung und Anwendung des Neuen Testaments zu befordern. (A New Attempt to Promote a Generally Profitable Exposition and Application of the New Testament.) 1786. Latin Paraphrases of the Epistles to the Romans (1769) and Corinthians (1770, 1776). Johann David Michaelis. Einleitung in die gottlichen Schriften des Neuen Bundes. (Introduction to the Divine Scriptures of the New Covenant.) 1750. (Eng. Trans, by H. Marsh, Cambridge, 1793.) Ubersetzung des Neuen Testaments. (Translation of the New Testa ment.) 1790. Anmerkungen fur Ungelehrte zu seiner Ubersetzung des Neuen Testa ments. (Notes for Unlearned Readers on his Translation of the New Testament.) 1790-1792. Friedrich Ernst David Schleiermacher. Uber den sogenannten ersten Brief des Paulus an den Timotheus. (On the so-called First Epistle of Paul to Timothy.) 1807. Johann Gottfried Eichhorn. Historisch-kritische Einleitung in das Neue Testament. (Historical and Critical Introduction to the New Testament.) 3 vols. 1814. 2 BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Oottlob Wilhelm Meyer. Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs. (The Development of the Pauline System of Doctrine.) 1801. Leonhard Usteri. Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs. (The Development of the Pauline System of Doctrine.) 1824. August Ferdinand Dahne. Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbe griffs. (The Development of the Pauline System of Doctrine.) 1835. Karl Schrader. Der Apostel Paulus. 1830-1836. J. A. W. Neander. Geschichte der Pflanzung und Leitung der christ- lichen Kirche durch die Apostel. (History of the Planting and Guidance of the Christian Church by the Apostles.) 1832. (Eng. Trans, by J. E. Ryland, 1851.) W. M. Leberecht De Wette. Erklarung der Briefe an die Romer, Korinther, Galater und Thessalonicher. (Exposition of the Epistles to the Romans (2nd ed., 1838), Corinthians, etc. (1841).) H. E. G. Paulus. Des Apostels Paulus Lehrbriefe an die Galater- und Romer-Christen. (The Apostle Paul s Doctrinal Epistles to the Galatian and Roman Christians.) 1831. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"><em><strong>THE Reformation fought and conquered in the name of Paul.</strong> </em>Consequently the teaching of the Apostle of the Gentiles took a prominent place in Protestant study. Nevertheless the labour expended upon it did not, to begin with, advance the historical understanding of his system of thought. What men looked for in Paul s writings was proof-texts for Lutheran or Reformed theology ; and that was what they found. Reformation exegesis reads its own ideas into Paul, in order to receive them back again clothed with Apostolic authority. Before this could be altered, the spell which dogma had laid upon exegesis needed to be broken. A very promising beginning in this direction was made by Hugo Grotius, who in his Annotationes in Novum Testamentum l rises superior to the limitations of ecclesiastical dogma. This work appeared in 1641-1646. The Pauline Epistles are treated with especial gusto. The great Netherlander makes it his business to bring out by patient study the simple literal meaning, and besides referring to patristic exegesis, cites parallels from Greek and Roman literature. He does not, however, show any special insight into the peculiar character of the Pauline world of thought. 1 In the Amsterdam edition of the whole in 1679, the Annotationes on the Pauline Epistles (1009 pp.), with those on the other Epistles and the Apocalypse, form vol. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">iii. THE RIGHTS OF EXEGESIS 3 In the ensuing period the principle gradually became established that exegesis ought to be independent of dogma. Pietism and Rationalism had an equal interest in promoting this result. The accepted formula was that Scripture must be interpreted by Scripture. This thought is common ground to the two famous works on exegesis which belong to the first half of the eighteenth century, the Institutiones hermeneuticae sacrae l of Johann Jakob Rambach, which is written from the stand-point of a moderate pietism, and Siegmund Jakob Baumgarten s rationalistically inclined " Instruction in the art of ex pounding Holy Scripture." On the soil thus prepared by pietism and rationalism it was possible for a philologically sound exegesis to thrive. One of the most important attempts in this direction is Johann Christoph Wolf s Curae philologicae et criticae? This was regarded as authoritative for several decades, and even later is frequently drawn on by exegetes, either with or without acknowledgment. The merit of having gained the widest recognition for the principles of philo logical exegesis belongs to Johann August Ernesti, the reformer of the St. Thomas s School at Leipzig and the determined opponent of its famous " Precentor," Johann Sebastian Bach. His Institutio interprets Novi Testament* appeared in 1762. 4 It is on the plan of the " Hermeneutics " of Rambach and Baumgarten, and deals with grammar, manuscripts, editions, translations, patristic exegesis, history and geography as sciences ancillary to exegesis. But Ernesti s work suffices to show that the undog- matic philological method did not in itself lead to any 1 1723, 822 pp. 2 ist ed. 1742 ; 2nd, 1745, 232 pp. (For title see head of chapter.) 3 Bale, 1741. Five vols., covering the whole of the New Testament. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">The Pauline Epistles are treated in the 3rd (820 pp.) and 4th (837 pp.)- The full title is : Curae philologicae et criticae . . . quibus integritati contextus Graeci consulitur, sensus verborum ex praesidiis philologicis illustratur, diversae Interpretum Sententiae summatim enarrantur et modesto examini subjectae vel approbantur vel repelluntur. 4 135 pp. Later editions 1765, 1774, 1792, 1809. The last two were brought out under the care of Ammon. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">4 BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD</span></p>
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<p> </p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> result. Its author is in reality by no means free from dogmatic prepossessions, but he skilfully avoids those questions which would bring him into conflict with Church doctrine. In fact the use he makes of philology is more or less formal. He does not venture to treat the books of the New Testament without prepossession as witnesses from the literature of a distant period, and to show the peculiar mould in which Christian ideas are there cast in comparison with subsequent periods and with the period for which he writes. He did not realise that the undogmatic, philological method of exegesis must logically lead to a method in which philology is the handmaid of historical criticism. His great contemporary, Johann Salomo Semler, ventures to give expression to this truth, and so becomes the creator of historical theology. In his theoretical works on the Scriptures and on exegesis " Introduction to theological Hermeneutics " (1760-1769) , l "Essay on the free Investigation of the Canon" (1771-1775) , 2 " A new attempt to promote a generally profitable Exposition and Application of the New Testament " (1786) 3 the Halle professor explains again and again what is to be understood by a " historical " method of exegesis. He demands that the New Testament shall be regarded as a temporally conditioned expression of Christian thought, and examined with an unprejudiced eye. In making this claim he does not speak as a 1 Four parts. Parts i. and ii. form the first volume (424 pp.), part iii. = vol. ii. (396 pp.), part iv.= vol. iii. (396pp.). </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">Part i. is occupied with the general principles of exegesis, part ii. with the text of the Old Testament, parts iii. and iv. with that of the New Testament. 2 Four volumes. The first (in the reprint of 1776, 333 pp.) : On the natural conception of Scripture. The second (in the first edition, 1772, 608 pp.) : On Inspiration and the Canon, Answers to criticisms and attacks. Third (ist ed., 1773, 567 pp.) : On the History of the Canon, Answers to criticisms and attacks. The fourth (1775, 460 pp.) is wholly occupied by an answer to the work of a certain Dr. Schubert. This often mentioned but little read work does not therefore present exactly the appearance that might be expected from its title. The polemical replies occupy a much larger space than the orginal argu ments. 3 298 pp. A striking and brilliantly written work. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">THE CLAIMS OF CRITICISM 5</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> disinterested representative of historical science, but makes it in the name of religion. If religion is to develop progressively and purify itself into an ethical belief, the special embodiments which it has received in the past must not lay the embargo of a false authority upon its progress. We must acknowledge to ourselves that many conceptions and arguments, not only of the Old Testament but also of the New, have not the same sig nificance for us as they had for the early days of Chris tianity. In his work of 1786, Semler even demands that " for present day Christians there should be made a generally useful selection from the discourses of Jesus and the writings of the Apostles, in which the local refer ence to contemporary readers shall be distinguished or eliminated." This theory of historical exegesis is carried out in dealing with the great Pauline Epistles. Semler points the way to the critical investigation of the Apostle s thought. He gives paraphrases of the Epistle to the Romans and the Epistles to the Corinthians, and attempts to make clear the content and the connection of thought by a paraphrastic and expanded rendering of each individual verse. 1</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> Exegesis is no longer to be encumbered with a panoply of erudition ; it is no longer to be interpenetrated with homiletic and dog matic considerations, and to defer to the authority of the old Greek expositors, who, " when it is a question of historical arguments, had no better or clearer knowledge than we have ourselves." It must let the Scriptural 1 Paraphrasis Epistolae ad Romanes . . . cum Dissertatione de Appendice, capp. xv. et xvi., 1769, 311 pp. (Dedicated to Johann August Ernesti.) Paraphrasis in Primam Pauli ad Corinthios Epistolam, 1770, 540 pp. (Dedicated to Johann David Michaelis.) Paraphrasis II. Epistolae ad Corinthios, 1776, 388 pp. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">Each of these works contains a preface of some length on the principles of historical exegesis. As a specimen of the paraphrase we may quote that of Rom. vi. i : Jam si haec est Evangelii tarn exoptata hominibusque cunctis tarn frugifera doctrina, num audebimus statuere, perseverare nos tamen posse in ista peccandi consuetudine, ut quasi eo fiat amplior gratiae divinae locus ? </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">6 BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">phrases say openly and freely what they mean in their literal sense, and devote itself simply to that dispassionate, objective study of facts which has hitherto been too much neglected. The importance of the paraphrases does not however consist, as might be supposed, in their exhibiting the distinctive character of the Pauline trains of thought in comparison with the views of the other New Testament writers. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">By his use of a paraphrastic rendering of the text Semler puts an obstacle in the way of his gaining an insight into the specifically Pauline reasoning, and un consciously imports his own logic into the Apostle s arguments. On the other hand, his brilliant powers of observation enable him to call attention to some fundamental prob lems of literary criticism. He is the first to point out that we do not possess the Pauline Epistles in their original form, but only in the form in which they were read in the churches. The canonical Epistle is therefore not, as a matter of a priori certainty, identical with the historical letter.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> It is quite possible, he argues, that the letters as read in the churches were produced by joining together, or working up together, different letters, and also that written directions and messages, which originally existed in a separate form, were attached in later copies to the Epistles in order that no part of the heritage left by the Apostle might be lost. On the basis of considerations of this kind Semler arrives at the result that the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of Romans did not belong to the original Epistle. The sixteenth is, in his view, a series of greetings which Paul who, it is assumed, was writing from Ephesus gave to the bearers of the Epistle to be conveyed to the churches which they would visit on their way through Macedonia and Achaia. In the ninth chapter of 2 Cor inthians there is preserved, he thinks, a writing in tended for another city in Achaia, which was only later welded into the Epistle to the Corinthians. From the </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">THE QUESTION OF THE PASTORALS 7 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">fourteenth verse of the twelfth chapter of 2 Corinthians to the close of the thirteenth chapter we have to assume the presence of a separate writing, of later date than the original Second Epistle to the Corinthians. Thus Semler takes the first steps upon the road of literary hypothesis. Theology at first took little notice of these investigations. In the third edition of his " New Testament Introduction " (1777) , l the great Gottingen philologist and theologian J. D. Michaelis treats the letters of the Apostle in a quite uncritical spirit, and does not enter at all into the literary problems ; in his " Translation " and " Exposition " of the New Testament 2 he follows the old tracks and makes no attempt to carry out the task which Semler had assigned to historical exegesis.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> In general the eighteenth century, after Semler, contributed very little to the investigation of Paulinism. Schleiermacher was the first to take a step forward, when, in a letter to Gass, he expressed his doubts as to the genuineness of I Timothy. 3 Shortly before the battle of Jena so he recounts in the preface he had communicated his doubts to his friend, but had not got the length of setting them forth in a reasoned argument. " The battle though indeed it ended all too quickly the consequent unrest in the town, and even in the house, the confused hurrying to and fro, the sight of the French soldiers, which was interesting in so many ways . . . the still incomprehensible blow which struck our University even before you left, and the sad sight of the students saying their farewells and taking their departure, these were certainly not the surroundings 1 Johann David Michaelis, Einleitung in die Schriften des Neuen Bundes, ist ed., 1750. In its successive editions this work dominates the theology of all the latter half of the eighteenth century ; at the beginning of the nineteenth it is superseded by Eichhorn s Introduction. The third edition (1777) contains 1356 pp. The Pauline Epistles occupy pp. 1001-1128. J Ubersetzung des Neuen Testaments, 1790, 566 pp. Anmerkungen fiir Ungelehrte zu seiner Ubersetzung des Neuen Testaments, 4 vols., 1790-92. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">The Pauline Epistles are treated in vols. iii. and iv. 3 Friedrich Ernst David Schleiermacher, Uber den sogenannten ersten Brief des Paulus an den Timotheus. Ein kritisches Sendschreiben an Joachim Christian Gass, 1807. In his complete works this is to be found in the second volume of the first division, 1836, pp. 223-320. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">8 BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">in which to set up a critical judgment-seat. Although, on the other hand, you would perhaps have been more ready then, when all seemed lost, to give up a New Testament book, than you are now." The verbal promise then given but not fulfilled is now discharged in writing. Schleiermacher bases his argument against I Timothy upon 2 Timothy and Titus. While the same general conceptions are present in the longer letter as in the two shorter ones, they are not there found in the natural connections in which they occur in the others. It makes the impression of being a composite structure, and in its vocabulary, too, shows remarkable differences from the remaining letters taken as a whole. Strictly speaking it was not Schleiermacher the critic, but Schleiermacher the aesthete who had come to have doubts about 2 Timothy. The letter does not suit his taste. He fails to perceive that, so far as the language goes, the two other letters diverge from the rest of the Pauline Epistles in the same way as I Timothy, and that they also show the same looseness and disconnectedness ; only that, in consequence of their smaller extent, it is not so striking. And, most important of all, it escapes him that as regards their ideas aU_ three .letters agree in diverging from the remainder of the Pauline Epistles. Schleiermacher s omissions are supplied by Eichhorn in his well-known Introduction. 1 He lays it down that the three Epistles are all by the same author, and are all spurious. His criticism deals first with the language and thought of the letters, which he shows to be un-Pauline ; then he argues that the implied historical situations cannot be fitted into the life of the Apostle, as known to us from the remaining letters and the Acts of the Apostles ; finally, he points to the unnaturalness of the relation 1 Johann Gottfried Eichhorn, Historisch-kritische Einleitung in das Neue Testament, ist ed., vol. iii., second half (1814), pp. 315-410. Eichhorn points out that he had recognised the spuriousness of the three Pastoral Epistles, and had expressed his conviction in his Uni versity lectures before Schleiermacher published his criticisms of the First Epistle of Timothy. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">STUDY OF PAULINE THEOLOGY 9 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">between Paul and his helpers as it is represented by these Epistles. The Apostle, he points out, gives them in writing exhortations and directions which on the assumption of a real personal acquaintance and a long period of joint work with them are in any case unnecessary, and become much more so from the fact that the letters look forward to an early meeting. From this Eichhorn concludes that " some one else has put himself in Paul s place," and he sees no possibility of the success of any attempt to defend the genuineness of the Epistles against the arguments which he has brought forward. In particular he gives a warning against the seductive attempt to save the genuineness of 2 Timothy by the assumption of a second imprisonment. No hypothesis, he declares, can in any way help the Pastorals, since they must be pronounced from internal evidence because of their divergence from the remain ing Epistles not to be by the Apostle. This was a long step forward. The circle of writings which have come down under the name of Paul had undergone a restriction which made it possible to give an account of his system of thought without being obliged to find a place in it for ideas which already have a quite early-Catholic ring. Ten years after Eichhorn s literary achievement, in the year 1824, the Swiss theologian Leonhard Usteri, a pupil of Schleiermacher s, published his " Development of the Pauline System of Doctrine," x which is generally regarded as the starting-point of the purely historical study of Paulinism, the first attempt to give effect to the demands of Semler. 2 Usteri wishes to show the subjective imprint and 1 Leonhard Usteri, Die Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs , 1824, 191 pp. The editions of 1829, 1830, and 1832 were revised by the author, who died in 1833. After his death two more appeared (1834, 1851). Reference may be made also to Usteri s " Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians," 1833, 252 pp. 2 The first work which undertook to give an account of the Apostle s system of thought as such is Gottlob Wilhelm Meyer s Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs, 1801, 380 pp. The author has collected the material well, but does not know in what direction Paul s peculiarity lies.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Page 10</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">enrichment which ordinary Christianity received at the hands of the Apostle, and he sees in the Epistle to the Galatians the outline of his whole doctrine. He does not, however, venture to give full recognition to the idea of a real antithesis between the Pauline conceptions and those of the primitive Apostles, and consequently is led to soften down the peculiarities of the former so far as possible. The spirit of Schleiermacher, which tended to level down everything of a historical character, influences the book more than the author is aware. 1 A peculiar interlude in the investigation of Paulinism was due to the Heidelberger H. E. G. Paulus. 2 He published, in the year 1831, a study of the Epistles to the Galatians and Romans, which was in reality an essay on the Apostle s system of doctrine. The work is undertaken entirely in the interests of a rationalism bent on opposing the reaction to orthodoxy. According to the arguments of Paulus it is not the case that the letters speak of expiatory suffering and imputed righteousness. Paul cannot have upheld " legality " as against " morality " and have maintained an " unpurified conception of religion." The " chief sayings," the characteristic terms, are to be given a purely moral interpretation. The Apostle means that " faith in Jesus " must become in us " the faith of Jesus," and the narrower conception of righteousness must be enlarged into the </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">1 Of the works which criticise Usteri and mark an advance in Pauline study the following may be named : Karl Schrader, Der Apostel Paulus ; vols. i., 1830 (264 pp.), and ii., J 832 (373 pp.)&gt; deal with the life of the Apostle Paul; vol. iii., 1833 (331 pp.), with the doctrine; vols. iv., 1835 (490 pp.), and v., 1836 (574 pp.), contain the exposition of the Epistles. August Ferdinand Dahne, Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs, 1835, 211 pp. Mention may also be made of the chapter on Paulinism in J. A. W. Neander s Geschichte der Pflanzung und Leitung der christlichen Kirche durch die Apostel, ist ed., 1832 ; 2nd ed., ist vol., 1838 (433 pp.). Paul is treated in pp. 102-433 4 tn e ^-&gt; ^47 5th, 1862. As typical of the exegesis of the period prior to Baur may be mentioned the Commentaries of W. M. L. de Wette on Romans (2nd ed.), 1838 ; i and 2 Corinthians, 1841 ; Galatians and Thessalonians, 1841. 2 H. E. G. Paulus, Des Apostels Paulus Lehrbriefe an die Galater- und Romer- Christen, 1831, 368 pp.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> A SIGNIFICANT ANTITHESIS n conception of " the righteousness of God." The " righteousness of God " betokens righteousness such as ^ it exists in God, and is demanded by Him in man s spirit as its " true good," " the only real atonement which brings us into harmony with the Deity." Thus a proper interpretation enables us to discover in these writings " the agreement between the Gospel and a rational faith." The book appeared two or three decades too late. The rationalism which it represents had had its day. But there is something imposing in this determined wresting of the Apostle s views. It is parallel to that which was practised by the Reformation. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">The latter interpreted the whole of Paulinism by the passages "&gt; on the atoning death, and ignored the other thoughts in the Epistles. The Heidelberg rationalist starts from the conceptions connected with the " new creature," which were later to be described as the ethical system of the Apostle, and interprets everything else by them. The fact that the two views the only ones which endeavoured to grasp Paulinism as a complete, articulated system thus stand over against each other antithetically is significant for the future. Critical study in the course of its investigations was to come to a point where it would have to recognise both views as justified, and to point out the existence in Paul of a twofold system of doctrine a juridical system based on the idea of justification, and an ethical system dominated by the conception of sanctification without at first being able to show how the two are interrelated and together form a unity. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">II BAUR AND HIS CRITICS Ferdinand Christian Baur. Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde. (The Christ-party in the Corinthian Church.) Ap peared in the Tubinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie, 1831 and 1836. Uber Zweck u. Veranlassung des Romerbriefs (Purpose and occasion of Rom. ),* &. 1836. Die sogenannten Pastoralbriefe. (The so-called Pastoral Epistles.) 1835. Paulus der Apostel Jesu Christi (ist ed., 1845; 2nd ed., 1866-67). (Eng. Trans, by " A. P. " and A. Menzies, 1873-75.) Beitrage zu den Briefen an die Korinther, Thessalonicher und Romer. (Contributions to the elucidation of the Epistles to the Corinthians, Thessalonians and Romans.) Tubinger Jahrbucher fur Theologie. 1850-57- Vorlesungen uber neutestamentliche Theologie. 1864. (Lectures on New-Testament Theology.) Vorlesungen uber die christliche Dogmengeschichte. (Lectures on the History of Dogma.) Vol. i., 1865. Albert Schwegler. Das nachapostolische Zeitalter. 1846. (The Post-Apostolic Age.) Carl Wieseler. Chronologic des apostolischen Zeitalters. 1848. (The Chronology of the Apostolic Age.) On the Pauline Epp., 225-278. Albrecht Ritschl. Die Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche. (The Origin of the Early Catholic Church.) ist ed., 1850; 2nd ed., 1857. Gotthard Viktor Lechler. Das apostolische und nachapostolische Zeitalter. (The Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Age.) 1852. (Eng. Trans, by A. J. K. Davidson, Edinburgh, 1886.) Richard Adalbert Lipsius. Die paulinische Rechtfertigungslehre. (The Pauline Doctrine of Justification.) 1853. IN the fourth number of the Tubinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie for the year 1831, F. C. Baur gave to the study of Paulinism a new direction, by <em><strong>advancing the opinion that the Apostle had developed his doctrine in complete opposition to that of the primitive Christian community, and that only when this is recognised can we expect to grasp the peculiar character of the Pauline ideas</strong></em>. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">BAUR S " POSITIVE CRITICISM " 13</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> The great merit of the Tubingen critic</span><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> was that he allowed the texts to speak for themselves, to mean what they said. On the ground of <strong><em>the striking difference between Acts and Galatians regarding Paul s relation to the original Apostles,</em></strong> and in view of the divisions and contentions which reveal themselves in the Epistles to the Co<em><strong>rinthians, Baur concludes that in the early days of Christianity two parties a Petrine party or party of the original Apostles, and a Pauline party stood opposed to one another, holding divergent views on the subject of the redemption wrought by Christ.</strong></em> In the gradual adjustment of these differences he sees the development which led up to the formation of the early Catholic Church, and he traces the evidence for this process in the literature. He thinks he can show that the two parties gradually approached each other, making concessions on the one side and the other, and finally, under the pressure of a movement which was equally inimical to both of them the Gnosticism of the <strong><em>early part of the second century they coalesced into a single united Church.</em> </strong>The recognition of the character and significance of Gnosticism makes it possible for Baur to introduce a new kind of criticism. Before him it was only possible to arrive at the negative result that a writing was not by the author to whom it was traditionally ascribed. Now, according to him, it is possible to determine to what period it belongs. It is only necessary to show what position it occupies in the process of reconciliation of the two parties, and, especially, whether it deals with specula tive error. This Baur calls " positive " criticism. He applies it in the first place to the Pastoral Epistles, and argues that the heretics combated in them do not belong to primitive Christianity but are representatives of the Gnostic movement of the second century. By the " myths and genealogies " here mentioned are meant the great speculative systems which are known from Church history. The description given of the heretics is </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">14 BAUR AND HIS CRITICS intentionally couched in terms which are neither too general nor too special, in order to sustain the fiction that the false doctrine arising at this later period only revives a movement which had already been attacked and defeated by Paul. That neither the assumption of a second imprisonment, nor any other possible or impossible hypothesis, can restore to the Pastorals their lost genuineness is as firm a conviction with Baur as it was with Eichhorn. In the course of his study of the Pastoral Epistles the Tubingen master had expressed the opinion that the criticism of the Pauline writings would probably not " come to a halt " with these Epistles. The results of his further study were offered ten years later (1845) in the brilliantly written work, " Paul the Apostle of Jesus Christ." He here treats first the life and work, then the letters, and lastly the system of doctrine. The result arrived at in his investigation of the documents is that only the Epistles to the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans can be confidently used as sources. Compared with these four, all the others must be classed as " anti- legomena," " which does not at all imply the assertion that they are not genuine, but only indicates the opposition to which their claim to genuineness is in some cases already exposed, in others, may be exposed in the future, since there is not a single one of the smaller Pauline epistles against which, if the four main epistles are taken as the standard, there cannot be raised some objection or other." There are strong grounds for questioning the . Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians ; those to the Thessalonians and Philippians are to be suspected because of the small amount of dogma they contain. Baur s reason for taking up such a critical attitude towards the " smaller epistles " is that he is bound to see in the heritage which has come down to us from the Apostle, writings " which belong to the history of the party which based itself on his name, and refer to the relations of the various parties," and show us how Gentile Christianity</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> A HEGELIAN PAULIN1SM 15 softens down its principles and its peculiarities in order to meet the Jewish Christianity, which on its part was going through a similar process, in the unity of the early Catholic Church. This radical view was attacked on all sides. It gave rise to a kind of reaction even within the sphere of scien tific theology, and led to the calling in question of results which the labours of Eichhorn had brought into general acceptance. Thus Carl Wieseler prefaces his detailed study on the date of composition of the Pauline letters with the remark that he held all the thirteen letters which are attributed to the Apostle in the Canon to be authentic. The Apostle s system of doctrine culminates, according to Baur s representation, in the doctrine of the Spirit. In the brilliant disquisitions of this section it is not so much the historian who speaks as the pupil of Hegel. Paulinism is in its own way an announcement of the unity of the subjective spirit with the objective spirit. It is only from this point of view that a consciousness of freedom such as is found in the Apostle of the Gentiles can exist. His doctrine is concerned with union with Christ and witlT GbcI by faith, from which comes Spirit. " Righteousness " is " the proper relation towards God, to place men in which is the highest duty of all religion." Baur does not enter into the details of the Pauline doctrine of justification. Detail is in fact somewhat neglected in his treatment. Strictly speaking, he only includes that which can be in some way or other expressed in Hegelian thought-forms, and that in which Paulinism may be exhibited as representing absolute religion. Everything else is thrown into the background, and receives only a partial appreciation or depreciation in a separate chapter entitled " A special discussion of some subsidiary dogmatic questions." The characteristic stamp of the Pauline doctrine is largely obliterated. In particular, Paul s views about the " last things " and the angels are not allowed to become disturbingly prominent. Baur does not, indeed, hesitate practically to eliminate </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">16 BAUR AND HIS CRITICS them. The angelology he dismisses with the following remark : "Of the angels the Apostle says little in the letters which we have here to take into consideration, and that little not dogmatically, but only metaphorically and in current popular phraseology." The Tubingen scholar, in fact, uses the language of Paul in order to set forth an imposing philosophy of religion instinct with Hegelian influence. He gives no authentic account of the Apostle s thought. Neverthe less this book breathes the spirit of Paul the prophet of freedom more fully than almost any other which has been devoted to him. That is what gives it its remarkable attractiveness. A year after the appearance of Baur s " Paulus " in 1846 Albert Schwegler published his work on the post- apostolic age. 1 The founder of the Tubingen School had hitherto only, so to speak, hinted at the phases of develop ment by which the early Church grew up out of the controversy between the two parties. Schwegler under takes a more detailed description, and in doing so draws the lines so sharply that, along with the greatness of the construction, its faults become obvious. He has no deeper knowledge of Paulinism to impart. Schwegler s work had made it apparent from what side the Tubingen position was open to attack, and on this side Albrecht Ritschl proceeded to attack it in his well-known work on the origin of the early Catholic Church. 2 The first edition (1850) is primarily directed against Schwegler only ; in the second (1857) ne develops his opposition of 1 Albert Schwegler, Das nachapostolische Zeitalter in den Haupt- momenten seiner Entwicklung (" The Post- Apostolic Age in the main Features of its Development"), 1846, vol. i. 522 pp., vol. ii. 392 pp. In the writings which mark the course of the development of Paulinism three groups are distinguished. To the first, the apologetic group, belongs the First Epistle of Peter ; to the second, the conciliatory writings, are to be reckoned the Gospel of Luke, the Acts of the Apostles, the First Epistle of Clement, and the Epistle to the Philippians ; the third is represented by the catholicising writings, the Pastorals, the Letter of Polycarp, and the Ignatian Letters. 2 Albrecht Ritschl, Die Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche, eine kirchen- und dogmengeschichtliche Monographic, 1850, 622 pp. ; 2nd ed., 1857. 605 pp. &lt;r </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">RITSCHL S FUNDAMENTAL CRITICISM 17 principle to Baur. He offers proof that the earliest literature is not dominated by the negotiations for a compromise between the two parties which was postu lated by the Tubingen School, and at the same time he attacks the basis of the whole hypothetical construction. Baur, he urges, must have formed a false conception of Jewish Christianity and Gentile Christianity, since, on his view, it cannot be explained what was the common element that held the two together. Had they only, as the Tubingen School was obliged to assume, had the external bond of profession of faith in Christ, it would never be possible to explain why both parties felt the need of approaching one another by mutual con cessions until finally they coalesced in a single united Church. The extent of the doctrinal material common to both must, Ritschl argues, have been much greater than Baur represents. He has not discharged the first duty of a historian of the Apostolic age, for this requires " that the points should be clearly shown in which Jewish Christi anity and Paulinism coincide." Baur had only given a negative description of the Apostle s doctrine, because he never gives any hint " that Paul in very essential points held views which were common also to Jewish Christianity." The problem regarding the nature of the unity between Paulinism and primitive Christianity is thus recognised and formulated. But it was not so easy for Ritschl to say exactly what constituted the common element of doctrine, the existence of which he postulated. That is especially evident in the second edition of " The Origin of the Early Catholic Church." He is then only willing to admit an " opposi tion of practice " between Paul and the original apostles ; the area of this opposition is so restricted that " the essential agreement in the leading ideas laid down by Christ will be only the more clearly evident." But since in Paulinism little enough is to be found of the " leading </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">18 BAUR AND HIS CRITICS ideas laid down by Christ " the proof of the " essential agreement " remains a pious aspiration. The only solid fact which Ritschl is able to adduce is the expectation of the parousia. He assumes that it formed a very important part of the common doctrinal material, and inclines to believe that Paulinism arid Jewish Christianity agreed in an ideal-real expectation of the Second Coming in order to make common cause against ( Chiliasm, though the latter in its coarser form only appeared later. But in thus recognising eschatology Ritschl did not take the matter very seriously. He uses the eschatology, in fact, only in order to score a dialectical point against Baur, who had taken too little account of it. In Ritschl s " Justification and Reconciliation," where he later on had occasion to give a positive description of Paulinism, he avoided the faintest hint of any eschatological colouring of the Apostle s ideas. Another work which is occupied with the question of the unity between Paulinism and primitive Christianity is Lechler s " Apostolic and Post- Apostolic Age." l The work is a prize essay in answer to the problem proposed by the Teylerian Society in Holland, as to what constituted " the absolute difference between the doctrine and attitude of the Apostle Paul and that of the other Apostles," by which the " so-called Tubingen School endeavours to justify its hostile treatment of Christianity." Lechler opposes his teacher, but is not able to make any advance upon Ritschl in producing evidence of the common elements in the two doctrinal systems. ^ 1 Gotthard Viktor Lechler, Das apostolische und das nachaposto- lische Zeitalter mit Riicksicht auf Unterschied und Einheit in Lehre und Leben ( . . . with special reference to their difference and unity in life and doctrine), ist ed., 1852 ; 2nd ed., 1857, 536 pp. The portion dealing with Paul is pp. 33-154 ; in the 3rd ed., 1885 (635 pp.) Paul is treated on pp. 269-407. In the first two editions the whole of the Pauline epistles are re garded as genuine ; in the third the author no longer ventures to treat the Pastorals as on the same footing with the other Epistles. The very clearly and comprehensively stated problem is printed at the beginning. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">LIPSIUS ON JUSTIFICATION 19 Among the works which controverted the Tubingen view of Paulinism a prominent place belongs to an early work of Richard Adalbert Lipsius on " the Pauline doctrine of Justification." l Along with his scientific purpose the author also pursues a practical aim. He puts himself at the service of the anti-rationalistic reaction which aimed at restoring the old evangelical ideas to a position of honour, but in doing so did not grasp hands with the orthodoxy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but took as its starting-point the ideas which it finds present in the New Testament. In giving an objective presentation of the central Pauline doctrine of justification he believes that he is offering to the Protestantism of his time a view which it can adopt as its own. For the Apostle of the Gentiles, he argues, justification is not a purely legal, forensic act, but also an ethical experience. Faith is an ethical attitude which produces an inward righteousness. What is really effectual in redemption is the fellowship with Christ in life and death. It is brought about by the Spirit of God and of Christ, who unites himself with the believer and transforms his personality. J-,ipsius is the first to recognise the two trains of thought in Paulinism, and to remark that the one is based upon the juridical idea of justification, while the other has its starting-point in the conception of sanctification of the real ethical new creation by the Spirit. He does not, as had always previously been done, make everything of the one and nothing of the other, but aims at showing how they are brought together in the Apostle s thought. The importance of the eschatological passages does not escape him. He assumes that the thought of the parousia gives an inner unity to the Apostle s ideas. It is true that Lipsius did not succeed in fully dis charging the task which he laid upon himself. He weakens down one set of ideas in the interests of the other, 1 Die paulinische Rechtfertigungslehre, 1853, 219 pp. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">20 BAUR AND HIS CRITICS and solders the two together externally by the use of skilfully chosen expressions ; but it remains his great merit that he was the first to recognise this duality in Paul s thought. Had he not been pursuing a dogmatic interest alongside of his scientific investigations he would doubtless have come to still closer quarters with the problem. While his critics were at work Baur had not been idle. From 1850 onwards he published in the Tilbinger Jahrbticher fur Theologie, which had superseded the Tiibinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie, a series of separate investigations of the Pauline Epistles. 1 He had resolved that the final results of his study of the Apostle of the Gentiles, with which he had begun his work, and which throughout his whole lifetime had been his favourite study, should be set forth in a new edition of his Paulus. This was to be the crown of his work. But it was not to be. Death snatched him away from his task when he had only just cast the first part into its new shape. The second and most important, which was to treat the " system of doctrine," he did not reach. 2 To a certain extent a substitute for what was thus lost was furnished by the " Lectures on New Testament Theology," published by the master s son in i864. 3 The chapter on Paulinism is very striking in its brevity and clearness, and shows a great advance on the work of 1845. At that time Baur had examined and interpreted Paul s 1 In 1850, Beitrdge zur Erkldrung der Korinthesbriefe, pp. 139-185. Continued in 1852, pp. 1-40 and 535-574. In 1855, Die beiden Briefe an die Thessalonicher ; ihre Achtheit und Bedeutung fur die Lehre der Parusie Christi, pp. 141-168 ( . . . their genuineness and their signi ficance for the doctrine of the parousia of Christ). In 1857, fiber Zweck und Gedankengang des Romerbriefs nebst der Erdrterung einiger paulinischen Begriffe, pp. 60-108 and 184-209 ("On the Purpose and the Argument of Romans, with a Discussion of certain Pauline Con ceptions.") 2 Paulus der Apostel Jesu Christi, 2nd ed., edited by Zeller, 1866- 1867, vol. i. 469 pp., revised by Baur ; vol. ii. 376 pp. contains a reprint of the chapter on Paul s doctrine from the first edition. 3 Vorlesungen iiber neutestamentliche Theologie. Published by Ferdinand Friedrich Baur, 1864, 407 pp. Pages 128-207 deal with the doctrinal system of Paul. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">BAUR S RECOGNITION OF ESCHATOLOGY 21 teaching by the light of the Hegelian Intellectualism. Now he tries to grasp his ideas historically and empiri cally, and to describe them accordingly. He discusses successively the Pauline views on : sin and flesh ; law and sin ; faith in the death of Christ ; law and promise ; law and freedom ; the righteousness of faith ; faith and works ; faith and predestination ; Christology ; baptism and the Lord s Supper ; the parousia of Christ. Eschatology, which in the first edition was quite overlooked, receives here abundant recognition. Baur admits that the Apostle fully shared the faith of the primitive community in the nearness of the parousia, and was at one with it in all the conceptions referring to the End. The Pauline theology as thus empirically apprehended has no longer the bold effectiveness of the speculatively constructed system of the year 1845. It becomes ap parent in Baur, and increasingly evident in the work of subsequent investigators, that the self -consistency and logical concatenation of the system become obscured and disturbed in proportion as progress is made in the exact apprehension of the individual concepts and ideas. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">22 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN MONOGRAPHS UPON PAUL Adolf Hausrath. Der Apostel Paulus (1865, 172 pp. ; biographical. 2nd ed., 1872, 503 pp.). Ernest Kenan. St. Paul (1869, 570 pp. ; biographical and theological). Auguste Sabatier. L Apotre Paul (1870, theological). (E.T. by A. M. Hellier, 1891.) Otto Pfleiderer. Der Paulinismus (1873 ; 2nd ed., 1890; theological). (E.T. by E. Peters, 1877.) Carl Holsten. Das Evangelium des Paulus (ist pt., 1880 ; 2nd pt., 1898). NEW TESTAMENT INTRODUCTIONS Eduard Reuss. Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Neuen Testamentes (5th ed., 1874). (E.T. History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, by E. L. Houghton. Edin. 1884.) Christian Karl von Hofmann. Pt. ix. of " Die Heilige Schrift." 1881. Heinrich Julius Holtzmann. Einleitung in das Neue Testament. 1885. Bernhard Weiss. (Same title.) 1886. (E.T. by A. J. K. Davidson, 1887). Fre de ric Godet. Introduction au Nouveau Testament. 1893. Adolf Jiilicher. Einleitung in das Neue Testament. 1894. (E.T. by J. P. Ward, 1904.) Theodor Zahn. (Same title.) 1897. (E.T. of 3rd ed. 1909). WORKS ON NEW TESTAMENT THEOLOGY Eduard Reuss. Histoire de la theologie chretienne au siecle apostolique. 3rd ed., 1864. (E.T. by A. Harwood, 1872.) Bernhard Weiss. Lehrbuch der biblischen Theologie des Neuen Testaments, ist ed., 1868 ; 6th ed., 1895. (E.T. Edin. 1882.) Christian Karl von Hofmann. Pt. xi. of " Die Heilige Schrift." 1886. Willibald Beyschlag. Neutestamentliche Theologie. 1891. 2nd ed., 1896. (E.T. Edin. 1895.) </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">THE LITERATURE 23 GENERAL WORKS ON PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANITY Ernest Havet. Le Christianisme et ses engines (4 vols., 1884). Karl von Weizsacker. Das apostolische Zeitalter. 1886. (E.T. The Apostolic Age, 1894.) Otto Pfleiderer. Das Urchristentum. 1887. (E.T. of 2nd. altered ed., see later.) STUDIES ON SPECIAL POINTS Carl Holsten. Zum Evangelium des Paulus und Petrus. 1868. Fr. Th. L. Ernesti. Die Ethik des Apostels Paulus. 1868. Emmanuel Friedrich Kautzsch. De Veteris Testament! locis a Paulo apostolo allegatis. 1869. Franz Delitzsch. Paulus des Apostels Brief an die Romer in das Hebraische ubersetzt und aus Talmud und Midrasch erlautert. 1870. (The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans translated into Hebrew and illustrated from Talmud and Midrash.) Hermann Ludemann. Die Anthropologie des Apostels Paulus. 1872. Albrecht Ritschl. Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versohnung, vol. ii., 1874. (The Christian Doctrine of Justifica tion and Reconciliation.) (E.T. of vols. i. and iii. only). H. H. Wendt. Die Begriffe Fleisch und Geist bei Paulus. 1878. (The Meaning of the Terms Flesh and Spirit in Paul s Writings.) Louis Eugene Me"ne"goz. Le Peche et la redemption d apres St Paul. 1882. Eduard Grafe. Die paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz. 1884. (The Pauline Teaching about the Law.) Gustav Volkmar. Paulus von Damaskus zum Galaterbrief. 1887. (Paul, from Damascus to Galatians). A biographical study, with a critical comparison between the data of Galatians and Acts. Alfred Resch. Agrapha. Ausserkanonische Evangelienfragmente. 1888. On the Question whether Sayings of Jesus have been pre served in Paul s Writings. Otto Everling. Die paulinische Angelologie und Damonologie. 1888. Johann Gloel. Der Heilige Geist in der Heilsverkundigung des Paulus. 1888. (The Holy Spirit in Paul s Preaching of Salvation.) Hermann Gunkel. Die Wirkungen des Heiligen Geistes nach der popularen Anschauung der apostolischen Zeit und nach der Lehre des Apostels Paulus. 1888. (The Manifestations of the Holy Spirit according to the Popular View of the Apostolic Age and according to the Teaching of Paul.) Eduard Grafe. Das Verhaltnis der paulinischen Schriften zur Sapientia Salamonis. 1892. (The Relation of the Pauline Writings to the Book of Wisdom.) Adolf Deissmann. Die neutestamentliche Formel " in Christo Jesu." 1892. (The New Testament Formula " in Christ Jesus.") Richard Kabisch. Die Eschatologie des Paulus in ihren Zusammen- hangen mit dem Gesamtbegriff des Paulinismus. 1893. (Paul s Eschatology in Relation to his General System.) </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">24 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN W. Brandt. Die evangelische Geschichte und der Ursprung des Christentums. 1893. (The Gospel History and the Origin of Christianity.) Ernst Curtius. Paulus in Athen. 1894. E. Bruston. La Vie future d apres St Paul. 1894. Hans Vollmer. Die alttestamentlichen Zitate bei Paulus. 1895. Ernst Teichmann. Die paulinischen Vorstellungen von Auferstehung und Gericht und ihre Beziehung zur jiidischen Apokalyptik. 1896. (The Pauline Views of Resurrection and Judgment and their Relation to the Jewish Apocalyptic.) Theodor Simon. Die Psychologic des Apostels Paulus. 1897. Paul Wernle. Der Christ und die Siinde bei Paulus. (The Christian and Sin in Paul s Writings.) 1897. CRITICISM AND EXEGESIS Bruno Bauer. Kritik der paulinischen Brief e. 1850-1851-1852. Christian Hermann Weisse. Beitrage zur Kritik der paulinischen Brief e. 1867. (Contributions to the Criticism of the Pauline Epistles.) H. J. Holtzmann. Kritik der Epheser und Kolosserbriefe. 1872. Die Pastoralbriefe. 1880. Eduard Eeuss. Les Epitres pauliniennes (" La Bible," pt. iii.). 1878. Georg Heinrici. Das erste Sendschreiben des Apostels Paulus an die Korinther. 1880. Das zweite, etc. 1887. P. W. Schmiedel. Auslegung der Briefe an die Thessalonicher und Korinther in Holtzmann s " Handkommentar." 1891. (Ex position of the Epistles to the Thessalonians and Corinthians in Holtzmann s " Handkommentar.") R. A. Lipsius. Auslegung der Briefe an die Galater, Romer und Philipper in Holtzmann s " Handkommentar." 1891. WORKS OF A GENERAL CHARACTER, OR DEALING WITH COGNATE SUBJECTS Emil Schiirer. Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte. 1873. From the 2nd ed. (1886) onwards the work bears the title: Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi. (E.T. History of the Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ. Edin. 1885.) Karl Siegfried. Philo von Alexandrien als Ausleger des alten Testa ments an sich selbst und nach seinem geschichtlichen Einfluss betrachtet. 1875. (Philo of Alexandria as an Expositor of the Old Testament, considered both in himself and in regard to his historical influence.) Ferdinand Weber. System der altsynagogalen palastinenschen Theologie. 1880. The second edition (1897) bears the title Jiidische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud und verwandter Schriften. (Jewish Theology exhibited on the basis of the Talmud and allied writings.) W. Gass. Geschichte der christlichen Ethik. 1881. Theobald Ziegler. Geschichte der christlichen Ethik. 1886. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">THE CRITICAL CONSENSUS 25 Edwin Hatch. The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church (Hibbert Lectures for 1888). Theodor Zahn. Der Stoiker Epiktet und sein Verhaltnis zum Christen turn. 1894. Adolf Harnack. Dogmengeschichte, 3rd ed., 1894. (E.T. History of Dogma, 1894-1899). Die Chronologic der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius. Vol. i., 1897. PROBLEMS many and various confronted theological science when it attempted to carry forward Pauline studies from the position in which they had been left by Baur. It was needful to clear up once for all the questions of literary criticism, to examine in detail the individual conceptions and trains of thought, to make clear the unity and inner connexion of the system, to show what rdle Paulinism had played in the development of early Catholic theology, and how far it was at one with primi tive Christianity, and to solve the question whether the material employed in its construction was of purely Jewish, or in part of Greek origin. In regard to the literary question a certain measure of agreement was in course of time attained. Baur had distinguished three classes of Epistles. In the first he placed, as beyond doubt genuine, Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans ; Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, Thes- salonians, and Philemon formed the second class, being considered uncertain ; the Pastoral Epistles formed the third class, and were regarded as proved to be spurious. The views of the Tubingen master regarding the first class and the third were adopted by the majority of scholars of the next generation. No doubts were raised against the great Epistles ; the Pastoral Epistles were rejected. Holtzmann, in his work on the Letters to Timothy and Titus, 1 supplied a detailed argument in favour of this conclusion. 1 Die Pastor albriefe kritisch und exegetisch behandelt, 1880, 504 pp. Adolf Harnack (in Die Chronologic der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius, vol. i., 1897, 732 pp. on Paul, 233-239) is disposed to regard the personal notices of the Pastorals as genuine with the aid of the hypothesis of the second imprisonment. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">26 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN Of the letters of the intermediate class, the first to the Thessalonians and that to the Philippians were by many rehabilitated as Pauline. The second to the Thessalonians was rejected with increasing confidence. A special problem was presented by the letters to the Colossians and Ephesians, both because of their evident mutual relationship and particularly in regard to certain parts of the Epistle to the Colossians which made a strong impression of genuineness. Holtzmann offered a solution which gave general satisfaction. He adopted the hypothesis that Colossians was based upon a genuine Pauline letter which had been worked over by a later hand. 1 The redactor he identified with the author of the Epistle to the Ephesians. While there was this general consensus in the critical camp, which was ratified in Holtzmann s " Intro duction," 2 the most diverse opinions on special points are found. Some attempts were made to save the 1 Kritik der Epheser- und Kolosserbriefe , 1872, 338 pp. 2 Einleitung in das Neue Testament, 1885 ; 2nd ed., 1886 ; 3rd ed., 1892. Second Thessalonians, Ephesians, and the Pastoral Epistles, spurious ; Colossians, worked over. A similar critical stand-point is occupied by Adolf Jiilicher, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, 1894, 404 pp. The Pauline Epistles are treated in pp. 19-128. A mediating position is taken up by E. Reuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Neuen Testaments (5th ed., 1874, 352 pp. ; 6th ed., 1887). All that can be said in favour of the genuineness of the Pastorals and 2 Thessalonians is set forth with the greatest completeness, since the author is very reluctant to give up these writings. See the same author s Histoire de la theologie chretienne au siecle apostolique (1852 ; 2nd ed., 1860, 2 vols., i. 489 pp., ii. 629 pp. Paulinism is treated in vol. ii., 3-262 ; 3rd ed., 1864). Mild polemic against Baur. Another mediating work is Willibald Beyschlag s Neutestamentliche Theologie, 1891 ; 2nd ed., 1896. Only the Pastorals spurious. A conservative stand-point is occupied by Bernhard Weiss, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, 1886, 652 pp. Paul and his Epistles occupy pp. 112-332. The Pastoral Epistles are saved by the hypothesis of the second imprisonment. 2 Thessalonians and Ephesians are held to be genuine (3rd ed., 1897, 617 pp.). Conservative also is Theodor Zahn, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, ist ed., 1897, vol. i., 489 pp. Pauline Epistles, pp. 109-489. Ch. K. v. Hofmann in his Einleitung (pt. ix. of " Die Heilige Schrift," edited by Volck, 1881, 411 pp. Pauline Epistles, 1-200) proposes by means of the hypothesis of a liberation of the Apostle from his first imprisonment to make not only the Pastorals, but also the Epistle to the Hebrews genuine. That 2 Thessalonians and Ephesians are genuine is for him self-evident. Frederic Godet too (Introduction au Nouveau Testament, 1893, 737 pp.) regards all thirteen Epistles as genuine.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> ISOLATION OF THE MAIN EPISTLES 27 genuineness of the second Epistle to the Thessalonians. For some, the Epistles to the Colossians and Ephesians are genuine throughout and represent a later phase of the Pauline theology. Nor were there lacking attempts of all kinds to rehabilitate the Pastoral Epistles. Those who did not venture to defend them as wholes make a point of retaining at least the " personal references." The presentation of the Pauline teaching was, however, hardly affected by the literary divergences. Not even the most conservative of the critics had the boldness to place all the letters which have come down under the name of Paul on a footing of equality. Even those who regarded the Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians as genuine did not fuse ideas of these Epistles with the system extracted from the four main Epistles, but presented them separately ; and any who were not converted to the rejection of the Pastorals at all events took the precaution to give a separate chapter to the Pauline theology of these writings. 1 If only the personal refer ences might be saved, these Epistles were as completely excluded from the presentation of the Pauline system as if they had been pronounced wholly spurious. Thus it continued to be the case, as it had been with Baur, that, generally speaking, only the four main epistles were taken into account in describing the Pauline system. The only significant change was that the epistle to the Philippians began to be put on the same footing, and, with a few exceptions, scholars no longer hesitated to regard as Pauline the conception of the pre-existence of Christ which is expressed in the section on the incarnation and obedience unto death. It was realised that the main epistles also presuppose this view, even if they do not state it so explicitly. There were, of course, as time went on, attempts to 1 Typical in this respect is the procedure of Bernhard Weiss in his Neutestamentliche Theologie (1868). He treats the doctrine of the Epistles of the imprisonment and that of the Pastorals by themselves after he has developed that of the main Epistles, although he regards them all as Pauline. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">28 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN explain the composition of the four main epistles and Philippians as arising by the working up together in each single epistle of two or more originals, but these were not of any real importance for the study of the Pauline doctrine. It was only a carrying out of the task suggested by Semler, when he pointed out that we have not got the letters in their original form but only as prepared for public reading by the early Church. But the constitution of the Pauline material is scarcely affected by the attempts to reconstruct these originals. They have a purely literary interest. Theology, so far as it was occupied with the study of the Pauline system, did not allow itself to be at all dis quieted by the rejection of the whole of the Epistles proposed by Bruno Bauer in his " Criticism of the Pauline Letters." l Nor was its confidence shaken by the hypo thesis that the letters have been worked over to a very large extent and in a very thoroughgoing fashion. Christian Hermann Weisse s " Contributions to the Criti cism of the Pauline Epistles," 2 which appeared in 1867, where he sets forth the justification and the principles of this method, scarcely attracted any attention, as was indeed the case with almost all the theological work of this writer. The elucidation of the details of the Pauline doctrine is vigorously pursued. An empirical definition is at tempted of the terms sin, law, conscience, justification, redemption, election, and freedom. A special interest attaches to the study of the terms flesh and spirit. After Holsten had endeavoured to trace the significance of the word flesh, Ludemann in a brilliant work published in 1872 endeavoured to arrive at a clear idea of the Apostle s anthropology and its place in his doctrine of salvation. There are, so runs his thesis, two conceptions of 1 Kritik der paulinischen Brief e, 3 pts., 1850, 74 pp. ; 1851, 76 pp. ; 1852, 129 pp.; Christus und die Cdsaren, 1877, 387 pp. 2 Beitrdge zur Kritik der paulinischen Briefe an die Galater, Romer Philippe* und Kolosser. Edited by E. Sulze, 1867, 65 pp. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">LUDEMANN ON PAUL S ANTHROPOLOGY 29 " flesh " in Paul. The one agrees with the naive, simple Jewish linguistic usage, and means only the natural being of man. The other is much more precise and belongs to a dualistic system of thought. In it the flesh is denned as the necessary cause of sin and corruption and as the absolute antithesis to spirit. On close examination it appears that not merely two conceptions of " the flesh " existing side by side, but two different doctrines of man s nature, and consequently two different conceptions of redemption, are found in Paul. According to the system which connects itself with the simpler, broader conception of the flesh, sin springs from the freedom of the will ; the law is assumed to be inherently possible of fulfilment ; redemption consists in a judgment of acquittal pronounced by God which has its ground solely in His mercy ; righteousness is imputed ; the act which brings redemption consists in faith. This circle of ideas, which forms a self-consistent whole, is described by Liidemann as the " Jewish-religious," the "juridical-subjective," doctrine of redemption. It has its source in reflection on the death of Jesus. The other system of ideas is defined as the "jethicp- dualistic." In contradistinction to the former it makes use of an " objectively real " conception of redemption. It presupposes the more precise, narrower conception of " the flesh," and regards sin as proceeding from it by a natural necessity. The law is the ferment of sin ; death the natural outcome of the flesh. Redemption can there fore only consist in the abolition of the flesh. It is based on the communication of the Spirit, which produces in the man a new creature and a real righteousness. The redemptive act takes place in baptism. The ideas of this second system are based on the Lord s resurrection. The coexistence of a juridical and an ethical system of thought in Paul had been held by others before Liidemann. What he did, however, was to follow out each separately into its details, and to endeavour to prove that all the contradictions and obscurities which are to be observed </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">30 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN in the conceptions and statements of the Pauline theology find their ultimate explanation in the coexistence of two different doctrines of man s nature and two different doctrines of redemption. Hitherto the doctrine of redemption which appears alongside of the juridical had been described as " ethical." He remarks that it is conceived not merely ethically, but actually physically, and therefore defines it as ethico- physical. Further, he is of opinion that the two theories are not co-equal in importance. He holds that in the ethico-physical " the real view of the Apostle " is set forth, which only tolerates the other alongside of it, and more and more tends to push it aside wherever in the discussion Paul can count upon a thorough understanding of the real essence of the matter. In the Epistles the development, he thinks, takes the following course. The Letter to the Galatians knows only the primitive Jewish system of thought with reference to Christ s vicarious suffering and righteousness by faith ; it does not advance to the bolder realistic doctrine of righteousness. In the Epistles to the Corinthians, according to Liide- mann, the Apostle does not make much use of dogma. " The less advanced position of the church there may have been one cause of this." But the fundamental con ceptions of the ethico-physical series of ideas begin to appear in them. Later on they attain to " constitutive importance " and " force their way into the leading dogmatic statements." In the first four chapters of Romans the old view still finds expression. From the fifth onwards the new tenets are developed fully and clearly. This second series of ideas is not Jewish but Greek. Liidemann s view is that Paul, " in the attempt to give dogmatic fixity to the doctrine of salvation, presses on beyond the horizon of the Old Testament consciousness and is carried in the direction of Hellenism." l The latter 1 Ludemann was opposed by H. H. Wendt in his work Die Begriffe Fleisch und Geist im biblischen Sprachgebrauch, 1878, 219 pp.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> DUAL ASPECT OF PAULINISM 31 offered him a clearly-thought-out doctrine of man, in which the dominant idea was the antithesis of flesh and spirit, and made it necessary for him to think out a physically real doctrine of redemption. Pfleiderer l also works out the two series of ideas, separating them scarcely less sharply than Ludemann does. But he prefers to describe the series which runs parallel to the juridical, not as physico-ethical, but as mystico-ethical. Moreover, he does not admit that the ethical series expresses Paul s view more adequately than the other. He is of opinion also that the two sets of conceptions held an equal place in the consciousness of the Apostle from the first. By logically thinking out the Jewish idea of the atoning death, Paul was led according to Pfleiderer to the anti- Jewish conclusion that re demption is for all mankind, and that the law is conse quently invalidated. With this view there is united another, the source of which lies in the Hellenistic anthropology. This is that redemption consists in the influence exercised by the Holy Spirit upon the fleshly creatureliness, in consequence of which sin and death are abolished. The beginning of this process is to be sought in the resurrection of Jesus Christ. In the close connexion of the Pharisaic and Hellenistic elements " lies the characteristic peculiarity of the genuine Pauline theology, which can only be rightly understood when these two sides of it both receive equal attention. " That in Paulinism two lines of thought go side by side is recognised by almost all the investigators of this period. But in the importance assigned to each of them great divergences appear. Reuss makes the juridical ideas entirely subordinate to the ethical ; in Menegoz the former are more strongly emphasised than the latter. No one except Pfleiderer holds them to be on an exactly equal At the suggestion of Ritschl he undertook to prove that the meaning of these two words confined itself " within the boundaries set by Old Testament usage," and that therefore the assumption of Greek in fluence was unnecessary. 1 Otto Pfleiderer, Das Urchristentum, 1887.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> 32 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN footing. In general the ethical set of ideas is regarded as the original creation of the Apostle, and is assumed to represent the deepest stratum in his thought. Accord ingly, it is generally also held that the doctrine of the abolition of the flesh by the Spirit comes to its fuh 1 develop ment later than the other, which is based upon the atonement and imputed righteousness. Liidemann s theory of a development within the Pauline doctrine is adopted by the majority, though only in a less pronounced form. It should be mentioned that the first important attempt to prove the existence of different phases in the thought and life of Paul was made by Sabatier. 1 His work L Apotre Paul appeared in 1870, two years before Liidemann s study. At first the Apostle held, according to the French scholar, a simple doctrine which can be psychologically explained from his rabbinic training and his conversion. At the time of his great controversies he was compelled to work out for himself a philosophy of history which would enable him to prove that the law was only a passing episode in the history of salvation, and that justification by faith had always lain in the purpose of God. This doctrine takes a dominant position in the Epistles to the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans. In the letters written during his imprisonment the Apostle advances to a speculative, gnostic development of his ideas. The coexistence of the juridical and ethical series of ideas does not receive the same prominence in Sabatier as in the later writers, who were influenced by Ludemann and Pfleiderer. When all is said and done, there is in the works of this period much assertion and little proof regarding the development within Paulinism. One almost gets the impression that the assumption of different stages of thought was chiefly useful as a way of escaping the difficulty about the inner unity of the system. This 1 Auguste Sabatier, L Apdtre Paul, esquisse d une histoire de sa pensie, 1870, 296 pp. (2nd ed., 1881 ; 3rd ed., 1897).</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> FAULTY ARRANGEMENT OF MATERIAL 33 problem is, however, rather instinctively felt than clearly grasped. The scholars of this period do not feel it in cumbent upon them to trace out the connexion in. which these disparate sets of ideas must have stood in the view of Paul. They show no surprise at his passing so easily from the one to the other and arguing from each alter nately, and they do not ask themselves how he con ceived the most general ultimate fact of redemption which underlies both of them. They do not seek to arrive at a really fundamental view of the essence of Paulinism. Their method of procedure in their presentation of the doctrine is itself significant. They do not trace its development from one fundamental conception, but treat it under dogmatic loci, as Baur had done in his New Testament Theology. The scheme is more or less closely based on that of Reformation dogmatics. It is therefore assumed a priori that the Pauline theology can be divided into practically the same individual doctrines as that of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin. Really, however, a pre liminary question arises whether this arrangement of the material does not introduce a wrong grouping and orientation into the Apostle s system, and whether it does not destroy the natural order and relative importance of the thoughts, falsify the perspective, tear asunder what ought not to be disjoined, and render impossible the discovery of the fundamental idea in which all the utter ances find their point of union. This procedure is inno cently supposed to be scientific ; as a matter of fact it leads to the result that the study of the subject continues to be embarrassed by a considerable remnant of the prepossessions with which the interpretation of Paul s doctrine was approached in the days of the Reformation. It is not less prejudicial when others, as for example Holsten, 1 adopt an arrangement of the material suggested by modern dogmatics. As the Pauline theology has, if possible, less affinity with the latter than with the Re formation theology, the error is almost more serious. 1 Das Evangelium des Paulus,pt. 2 (edited by Mehlhorn), 1898, 172 pp. 3 </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">34 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN In general these scholars are quite unconscious of the decisive importance which attaches to the arrangement and articulation of the material. It has, indeed, always been weakness of theological scholarship to talk much about method and possess little of it. Otto Pfleiderer, alone, is not entirely in this state of innocence. He has an inkling that the usual way of approaching the subject is not wholly free from objection. In the first edition of his Paulinism (1873) 1 he raises the question whether the " genetic method " is not demanded by the task of tracing out the organic progress of the development of dogma in its Pauline beginnings. Practical considerations, however, determine him " to arrange the matter very much according to the customary dogmatic loci, " while, however, at the same time giving as much attention as possible to the position of the dogma in the Pauline system." He fears that the carrying out of the genetic principle would lead to many repetitions, and would make it more difficult to get a general view of " the way in which the separate doctrines were connected with their bases." In order to salve his conscience he gives at the beginning, " by way of an introductory outline," a sketch of the " organic development of the Pauline gnosis from its single root." This general view it occupies twenty-seven pages is the most important part of the whole book. The succeeding chapters treat of sin, flesh, character of the law, aim of the law, Christ s atoning death, Christ s death as a means of liberation from the dominion of sin, the resurrection of Christ, the Person of Jesus Christ, the Son of David, the Son of God and heavenly Christ, the appearing of Christ in the flesh, faith, justification, sonship, the beginning and the progress of the new life, the Christian Church, the Lord s Supper, the election of grace, the parousia, and the end of the world. Liidemann was prevented by the task which he had set himself from adopting the division according to loci. 1 P. 31-</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;"> ELUSIVE DESCRIPTIONS 35 His object was only to investigate Paul s conception of the fleshly man in its relation to his doctrine as a whole. In this way he was led to arrange the ideas in their natural order and, without strictly intending to do so, to give a general account of Paulinism, which is almost entirely free from the defective arrangement of other works, permits something of the logical articulation of the Apostle s circle of ideas to appear, and certainly penetrates more deeply than the rest into the Apostle s world of thought. As the works of Reuss, Weiss, Pfleiderer, Holsten, Renan, Sabatier, Menegoz, Weizsacker, do not aim at understanding and showing the development of this doctrine from a single fundamental thought, there are no real divergences in the general view which they take of the system. The differences of opinion with their predecessors which the authors express in their text and notes relate, in point of fact, only to details and minutiae, surprising as this may at first sight appear. The plan and design of the system are in general everywhere the same ; the differences regard only the mixing and applica tion of the colours, and the question how far Greek influences are to be recognised. In going through these works one after another, one is surprised to observe how great is their fundamental resemblance. At the same time there is something curiously " elusive " about them. At a given point one might be inclined to think that one of the authors was formulating a thought more clearly, or giving it more exclusive importance than the others ; and one is just about to note this as a special characteristic of his view. A few pages later, however, or in a following chapter, one finds additions or reservations which show that he does not really think differently from the rest. The differences lie not so much in the actual conception as in the literary presentation, and in the manner in which the material, which is essentially a whole, is parcelled out among the different loci. There is thus nothing to be </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">36 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN gained by analysing the various conceptions one by one and comparing them with one another. Since there is no real difference of fundamental view, the comparison would lose itself in endless and unessential detail. To the general impression of monotony is to be added that of complexity. At the end of each of these works one is inclined to inquire whether the author really means to ask the reader to regard what is here offered as repre senting a system of thought which once existed in the brain of a man belonging to early Christianity, and was capable of being understood by his contemporaries. All the arts of literary presentation are employed to subtilise the conceptions, to describe the thoughts with exactitude, and to bring connexion and order into the chaos of ideas. But the result gives no satisfaction. No real elucidation and explanation of Paulinism is attained. The resulting impression is of something quite artificial. The welcome which these authors works received from their contemporaries shows that the latter saw in them an advance in the knowledge of Paulinism. They felt them to be satisfactory. That only means that the readers presuppositions and requirements lay within the same limitations as those of the authors. What had been the result arrived at ? A description of the Pauline doctrine, a remarkably detailed description, but nothing more. That doubtless implied a certain progress. It did not, however, extend so far as the authors and their readers assumed. Both innocently supposed that in the description they possessed at the same time an explanation as though the descriptive anatomy of this organism sufficed to explain its physiology. They were unconscious that they had so far only looked at Pauline thought from without, and had never gained any insight into the inner essence of the system. In these works the Apostle s statements are quoted one after another, and developed in his own words. The authors think they have discharged their task when they </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">DIFFICULTIES GLOSSED OVER 37 have so arranged the course of the investigation that all important passages can be respectably housed. The odd thing is that they write as if they understood what they were writing about. They do not feel com pelled to admit that Paul s statements taken by themselves are unintelligible, consist of pure paradoxes, and that the point that calls for examination is how far they are thought of by their author as having a real meaning, and could be understood in this light by his readers. They never call attention to the fact that the Apostle always becomes unintelligible just at the moment when he begins to explain something ; never give a hint that while we hear the sound of his words the tune of his logic escapes us. What is his meaning when he asserts that the law is abolished by the death of Jesus according to other passages, by His resurrection ? How does he represent to himself the process by which, through union with the death and resurrection of the Lord a new creaturehood is produced in a man, in virtue of which he is released from the conditions of fleshly existence, from sin and death ? How far is a union possible between the natural &lt; man, alive in this present world, and the glorified Christ &lt; who dwells in heaven ; and one, moreover, of such a kind that it has a retrospective reference to His death ? The authors we have named do not raise questions of this kind. They feel no need to trace out the realities which lie behind these paradoxical assertions. They take it for granted that Paul has himself explained his statements up to a certain point so far, in fact, as this is possible in the world of feeling to which religion belongs. This self-deception is made the more easy for them by the fact that they are accustomed to clothe their own religious views in Pauline phraseology, and consequently they come to treat as the authentic logic of Paul, arguments which they have unconsciously imported into their account of his teaching. They fail to reckon with the possibility that the original significance of his utterances </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">38 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN may rest on presuppositions which are not present to our apprehension and conception. For the same reason they all more or less hold the opinion that what they have to do with is mainly a psychological problem. They assume that the Pauline system has arisen out of a series of re flexions and conclusions, and would be as a whole clear and intelligible to any one who could succeed in really thinking himself into the psychology of the rabbinic zealot who was overpowered by the vision of Christ on the road to Damascus. The writer who goes furthest in this direction is Holsten. In his work on the " Gospel of Paul and of Peter " l he describes how Paul, while he was persecuting the new faith, was, as a Jewish thinker, occupied with the thought of the offence of the cross and the alleged resurrection. While still a fanatical zealot " he constantly carried with him in his consciousness the elements of the Messianic faith, even though as negative and negated." By the keenness of his theological dialectic he was compelled to imagine what the alleged facts would really signify if the belief of the disciples were justified. The " principle of the Messianic faith " was, in him, " alive in greater defmiteness than even in the consciousness of the followers of the Messiah whom he persecuted." The Messiahship of Jesus could not for him take its place as a hope and faith within the Jewish system of thought and religious life, 1 Zum Evangelium des Paulus und des Petrus, 1868, 447 pp. In this work the author collects some of his earlier and later essays. The following are its component parts, " Paul s Vision of Christ " (1861), " Peter s Vision of the Messiah " (1868), " Contents and Argument of the Epistle to the Galatians " (1859), " The Significance of the word &lt;rdp| (flesh) in Paul s System of Doctrine" (1855). The collection is dedic</span><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">ated to F. C. Baur, "who though dead yet lives." In the first part of the work Das Evangelium des Paulus, 1880, 498 pp., Holsten deals with the Epistle to the Galatians and the First to the Corinthians. The second part was intended to give an exposition of Romans and 2 Corinthians and to close with a systematic account of the Pauline theology. At Holsten s death only the closing section was found to be ready for printing. It was published in 1898 under the editorship of Carl Mehlhorn, and bears the title " Carl Holsten, Das Evangelium des Paulus, part ii., Paulinische Theologie," 173 pp. What was thus published is based on a manuscript prepared for his lectures in the winter session of 1893-1894, and on students notes. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPEDIENTS 39 but necessarily implied the destruction of what he had hitherto held to be true. Thus the persecutor had in principle thought out for himself to its ultimate conse quences the revolution which would result from the acceptance of the Messiahship of Jesus. And this he translated into word and deed after he had experienced the vision on the Damascus road. Other writers take as the starting-point for their psycho logical arguments the passage in Romans vii., where Paul depicts the despair of the man who recognises that the law, although it is spiritual and was given with a view to life, can only in the fleshly man produce sin, condemna tion, and death. What we there read concerning the struggle between the natural, powerful will of the flesh and the law, is, they think, written from the point of view of the pre-Christian consciousness of the Apostle. He had experienced this agony of soul, and it was by this that the Jewish religious attitude had been broken down in him. Therefore in his Gospel he does not desire to retain anything from the faith of his fathers. These two main lines of psychological theory are followed for a longer or shorter distance in all the works of this period. Hand in hand with this psychologising goes a tendency to modernisation. The scholars of this period spiritualise Paul s thought. The transformation varies in extent for the different ideas. The statements about the atonement and imputed righteousness are the least affected by it. What is unintelligible in these is put down to the account of the Jewish Rabbinic mode of thought in which Paul is supposed to be held prisoner. On the other hand, the conceptions regarding union with Christ in his death and passion, and the new life in Him through the Spirit, are .subjected to paraphrase and explanation until nothing of the realistic sense is left remaining. The question is not faced why Paul, if he wanted to say anything so " spiritual " and general as this, should have adopted so exaggerated, paradoxical, and materialistic a method of expression. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">40 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN Whatever remains unexplained after the psycho- logising, the depotentiation, and modernisation, is re ferred to the peculiar character of the religious experience which the Apostle is supposed to have undergone in the vision on the Damascus road. What essential difference there was between this appearance of the Lord and those experienced by the other disciples is nowhere clearly worked out, not even by Holsten, who makes the most extensive use of this vision. It is simply taken for granted by them all that in the vision itself is to be found the explanation, not only of Paul s conversion, but also in some way or other of his call to be a missionary to the Gentiles and of the peculiar character of his doctrine. All these accounts of his teaching agree in assuming that Paul s system of doctrine was in the main a purely personal creation of his own, and is in some way to be explained by the special character of his religious ex perience. The question whether in this way his integral connexion with primitive Christianity is sufficiently preserved receives but little attention. In none of these works is the investigation of the doctrinal material common to Paul and his opponents seriously taken in hand. The writers are content with the affirmation that both parties took as their starting-point the fact of the death and resurrection of Jesus, without entering into any consideration of the question how far Paul s reason ings, which they v refer back to his inner personal ex perience, reproduce generally current ideas of primitive Christianity and simply carry them out to their logical issue. The question which Ritschl had formerly forced on the consideration of Baur has therefore not been faced or solved. It is true the author of " Justification and Reconciliation " l thinks that he has not only raised the question but also answered it. He undertakes to explain all the Pauline doctrinal passages on the basis of 1 Albrecht Ritschl, Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versohnung, 1874, vol. ii. 377 pp. On Paul, pp. 215-259 and 300-369. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">PAUL AND PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANITY 41 Old Testament conceptions. In this way he hopes to work out the Apostle s real conception of the atoning death of Jesus, and of " righteousness," and believes that these will then, since they have been gained from the Old Testament, coincide with the primitive Christian views in all essential points. Speaking generally, <em><strong>Ritschl s tendency is to make the differences between Paulinism and primitive Christianity as small as possible</strong></em>, and to find them, as he had already done in the " Origin of the early Catholic Church," not so much in his doctrine proper as in his attitude to certain practical questions. Ritschl employs the dialectical skill with which nature had richly endowed him to transform and shade off the doctrine of the Apostle of the Gentiles until it harmonises with the fundamental Christian teaching which he assumes for the earliest period and finds necessary for his dogmatics. He entirely depotentiates the juridical series of ideas. Moreover, he refuses to admit that Paulinism constitutes a speculative system. He assumes that the Apostle moved in a free, untrammelled fashion among the various sets of ideas and felt no real need to combine them into a unity. In addition to Ritschl, Bernhard Weiss l and Willibald Beyschlag, a in their New Testament Theologies, endeavour to make clear the relations between Paul and primitive Christianity from the stand-point of critical conservatism. In order to secure a broad basis for the primitive form of apostolic doctrine, they pronounce i Peter and the Epistle of James to be documents of the pre-Pauline period. The writer who makes things easiest for himself is Von Hofmann. 3 For him there is no " Pauline system 1 Lehrbuch der biblischen Theologie des Neuen Testaments, ist ed. 1868, 756 pp. On Paulinism, pp. 216-507 ; 6th ed. 1895, 677 pp. On Paulinism, 201-463. 2 Neutestamentliche Theologie, ist ed. 1891 ; 2nd ed. 1896, vol. ii. 552 pp. On Paul, pp. 1-285. 3 Ch. K. v. Hofmann, Biblische Theologie (vol. xi. of " Die heilige Schrift Neuen Testaments"; edited by Volck), 1886, 328 pp. 42</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;" data-mce-mark="1"> FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN of doctrine."The Apostle never uttered anything that did not belong to the common doctrine of Christianity, but " according to the difference of the occasion " brought into prominence this or that aspect of the saving acts of God or of the condition of salvation, and what he thus brought forward, now under one designation now under another, he sets forth now in this relation and now in that one. Therefore this writer, who was vaunted by the orthodox as a brilliant opponent of Tubingen errors, has no scruple in working up together the Pauline ideas along with those of the other New Testament Epistles into a single whole, which he offers as apostolic doctrine. Another problem which is hardly apprehended in its full difficulty by the scholars of this period is<em><strong> that of the total neglect in the Pauline gospel of the proclamation of the kingdom of God and His righteousness which Jesus committed to His followers</strong></em>. They seem to feel no surprise at the fact that the Apostle, even where it would be the most natural thing in the world<em><strong>, never appeals to the sayings and commands of the Master</strong></em>. Many of them never touch on this question at all. Resch, however, in his collection of extra-canonical Gospel-fragments, even undertakes to show that in the Pauline letters a whole series of otherwise unrecorded sayings of Jesus are embodied, and <em><strong>defends the hypo thesis that the Apostle had taken them from a pre-canonical Gospel which ranked for him as an authority of equal value with the Old Testament</strong></em>. The enigma of the untraced quotation, "What eye hath not seen, neither hath ear heard," etc., in I Cor. ii. 9 fL, is solved by referring the " as it is written " to the written Gospel on which Paul draws. 1 It is curious that most of these authors believe that they reduce the acuteness of the problem by pointing 1 Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Kirche, vol. v., 1888, part iv. Alfred Resch, " Agrapha. Ausserkanonische Evangelienfragmente gesammelt und untersucht," 480 pp. The " logia " numbered 13-46 he holds, on the evidence of echoes in the letters, to have been known to Paul. See pp. 152-243. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;" data-mce-mark="1">RELATION TO THE TEACHING OF JESUS 43 but in the Epistles as many reminiscences of Synoptic jsayings as possible. That, of course, only makes the matter more complicated. <em><strong>If so many utterances of Jesus are hovering before Paul s mind, how come it that he always merely paraphrases them, instead of quoting them as sayings of Jesus, and thus sheltering himself behind their authority ?</strong> </em>As for those who have some inkling of the problem, their one thought is to dispose of it as rapidly as possible, instead of first exposing it in its full extent. Among them is Ritschl, who here employs all the arts and artifices of his exegesis and dialectic.<em><strong> That Jesus and Paul did not at bottom teach the same thing is to this undogmatic dogmatist unthinkable.</strong></em> In general the writers of this period are involved in the most curious confusions regarding the problem of " Jesus and Paul." They fail to perceive that these two magni tudes are not directly comparable with one another because they think of Paul in complete isolation, and not as a feature of primitiye Christianity. The differences and oppositions which reveal themselves between the teaching of Jesus and that of Paul exist also as between trie teaching of Jesus and that of primitive Christianity itself. The momentous development did not arise first with Paul, but earlier, in the community of the first disciples. Thei " religion " is not identical with the " teaching of Jesus," and did not simply grow out of it ; jt is jpunded upon His death and resurrection. The ."new element " was not brought into Christianity by Paul; he found it there before him, and what he did was to think it out in its logical implications. The difference of teaching between Paul and Jesus is not a difference between individuals, it is in almost its whole extent due to the fact that the Apostle belongs to primitive Christianity. In its false statement of the problem of Jesus and Paul the scholarship of the period after Baur shows that it has not yet succeeded in understanding the Apostle of 44 FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN the Gentiles as a phenomenon, an aspect, of primitive Christianity. There is frequent mention, in all these studies, of the Jewish roots of the Pauline thought. They attempt to explain his views, so far as possible, from the materials given in the Law and the Prophets. Some authors had been inclined to assume that in regard to his conception of the Law he did not stand wholly upon Old Testament ground, in the sense that he sometimes means by it a narrower ceremonial code of temporary validity, and sometimes a universal ethical law which has not been invalidated by the death of Christ. These confusions were put an end to by a study of Edward Grafe. 1 He shows that Paul when he speaks of the law, alike when he uses the article or does not use it, always has in mind the whole legal code, and never varies from the conviction that this has been set aside by the death and resurrection of Christ. That in Galatians the ritual aspect of the law, in Romans the ethical, is the more prominent, does not alter this fact. Nor is the consistency of the Apostle s view annulled by the fact that in many places he formu lates the negative judgment quite definitely, while in others he softens it by an admission of the historical and ethical significance of the law. That Paul s thinking follows the lines of Old Testament conceptions is self-evident. The only question is whether the motive forces which make their appearance in his gospel are derived in some way or other from the Old Testament Scriptures. That is not the case. In working up the primitive Christian views he does not have recourse to the ideas of the ancient Judaism. Nowhere does Paul attach himself to these. He takes no ideas from the Old Testa ment with a view to giving them a new development, 1 Die paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz (" The Pauline Doctrine of the Law"). Based on the four main Ep
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; background-color: #ffff00; font-size: medium;">INDEX Ammon, C. F. von, 3 n. Anrich, Gustav, 179, 189, 231 Aratus, 94 Aubertin, Charles, 95 n. Augustine, 95 n. Aurelian, 181 Baljon, J. M. S., 117, 118, 125 n., 148 n. Bauer, Bruno, 24, 28, 117, 120 ff. Baumgarten, Michael, 96 . Baumgarten, S. J., i, 3 Baur, F. C., 12 ff., 20 f., 25, 33, 81, n8f. Baur, F. F., 20 n. Beyschlag, Willibald, 22, 26, 41 Bousset, W., 48 n., 151, 152, 162 Brandt, W., 24, 60 n. Bruckner, Martin, 152,171,179, 193 n. Bruckner, Wilhelm, 118, 134 n. Bruston, E., 24, 74 n. Caligula, 184 Calvin, 33 Claudius, 183 Clemen, Karl, 118, 179, 189 n. Clement of Rome, 119, 128, 135 Cumont, Franz, 179, 181, 183 n., 185 n., 192 Curtius, Ernst, 24, 87, 94 n. Dahne, A. F., 2, 10 n. Deissmann, Adolf, 23, 60 n., 153, 172 n., 179, 189 n. De Jong, H. E., 181 Delitzsch, Franz, 23, 47 De Wette, W. M. L., 2, 10 n. Dibelius, Martin, 152, 162 n. Dick, Karl, 151, 155 n. Dieterich, Albrecht, 179, 186 ff., 190, 193 n., 194, 195, 228 ., 230 Dobschiitz, Ernst von, 152, 169 Domitian, 128 Drescher, A., 151, 153, 159 n. Drews, Arthur, 179, 234 f. Eichhorn, Albert, 179, 205 Eichhorn, J. G., i, 8 f., 15 Epictetus, 95 Ernesti, Fr. Th. L., 23, 95 n. Ernesti, J. A., i, 3 f. Evanson, E., 117, 121 n. Everling, Otto, 23, 55 f. Feine, Paul, 151, 152, 156 ff., 165 Fleury, Amedee, 95 n. Friedlander, M., 117, 124 n. Friedrich (Maehliss), 117, 135 n. Gass, J. C., 7 Gass, W., 24, 95 n. Geffken, J., 179, 189 n. Gennrich, P., 179, 191 n. Gloel, J., 23, 78 n. Godet, F., 22, 26 n. Goguel, M., 152, 159 f. Grafe, E., 23, 44, 90 f., in Gressmann, H., 152, 162 n. Grotius, Hugo, i, 2 Gruppe, Otto, 179, 181 n., 193 n. Gunkel, H., 23, 78 f., in, 179, 189 n., 232 f., 236 Hadrian, 122 Harnack, Adolf, vi, 25, 63, 69, 81 f., 83, 84, 90, 113, 114 f., 151, 152, 160, 173, 180, 189 n., 231. Hatch, Edwin, 25, 82 Hausrath, Adolf, 22 Haussleiter, J., 152, 172 Havet, E., 23, 54, 63 Hegel, 15, 16, 21 Heinrici, G. F., 24, 45, 63 n., 67, 80 n., 87, 93, 117, 151, 162 n. Heitmuller, W., 152, 165, 180, 204 ff., 208 n. Heliogabalus, 181 Hepding, H., 180, 182, 184 Hilgenfeld, A., 129 Hofmann, C. K. von, 22, 41 Hollmann, G., 151, 211 n. 251 252 INDEX Holsten, K., 22, 23, 35, 38 f., 63, 66 ff., 105, 113, 114 f. Holtzmann, H. J., 22, 24, 25 f., 100- 116, 149 f., 153, 163 f., 221 n. Ignatius, v, vi, vii, 80, 82, 119, 127, 135, 200, 248 Jacoby, Adolf, 180, 193 . Jakoby, Hermann, 151, 160 f. Jerome, 95 n. Josephus, 51 Julian, 181 n. Jiilicher, Adolf, 22, 152, 170 w. Juncker, Alfred, 152, 160 f. Justin Martyr, v, vi, vii, 80, 82, 119, 128, 132, 135, 136, 200, 217, 248 Kabisch, R., 23, 58 ff., 74, 76, 108, III, l68, 174, 222 Kalthoff, A., 117, 123 n. Kant, 112, 118 Karl, W., 81 n., 152 Kautzsch, E. F., 23, 88 Knopf, R., 152, 172 n. Kolbing, P., 152, 170 n. Kreyer, J., 95 n. Lechler, G. V., 12, 18 Lightfoot, John, 48 n. Lipsius, R. A., 12, 19 f., 24, 64 n. Loman, A. D., 117, 124 f., 140, 153 Loofs, F., 63 n., 173 n. Liidemann, H., 23, 28 ff., 34 f., 62 f., 66, 71, 86, 163 Luther, 33, 50 Manen, W. C. van, 117, 125, 129 ff., 140, 153 Marcion, 113, 128 f. Marcus Aurelius, 96 n., 98, 122 Mau, Georg, 180, 181 n. Maurenbrecher, Max, 180, 232 f. Mehlhorn, Karl, 38 w. Menegoz, L. E., 23, 31, 35 Meuschen, J. G., 48 n. Meyer, Arnold, 152, 170 n. Meyer, G. W., 2, g n. Michaelis, J. D., i, 5 n., ^ M tiller, I wan, 181 n. Miiller, J., 153, 172 n. Munzinger, Karl, 152, 154 n. Naber, S. A., 123 Neander, J. A. W., 2, 10 n. Nork, J., 48 n. Olschewski, W., 152, 171 n. Paulus, H. E. G., 2, 10 f. Pfleiderer, Otto, 22, 23, 31, 34, 35, 63, 66 ff., 76, 80, 90, in, 114 f., 151, 154 Philo, 51, 91, 98, no Pierson, Allard, 117, 123 Plato, 2ii Preuschen, E., 82 n. Ptolemy Soter, 184 Rambach, J. J., i, 3 Reinach, S., 180, 181 n. Reitzenstein, R., 180, 188 n., 208 n., 212 n., 216 ., 218 ff., 225, 230 Renan, Ernest, 22, 35 Resch, A., 23, 42 n. Reuss, E., 22, 24, 31, 35 Ritschl, Albrecht, 12, 16 f., 23, 40 f., 43, 83, 84 Rohde, E., 180, 181, 185 n. Roscher, H. R., 180 Rothe, R., 56 Sabatier, A., 22, 32, 35 Schettl
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