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<td valign="top" ><p>"But [Carlstadt's] most remarkable position [in 1520]...[was] the<em><strong> word of Paul</strong></em> is not to be put on a level with Christ." Beard <em>Luther </em>(1899)</p></td>
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<p><a href="http://www.thewords.com">The Words of Jesus of Nazareth</a><a href="http://www.thewords.com/" target="_blank"></a></p>
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<p><a href="http://justhiswords.com/">Just His Words</a> (red letter only $7.25)</p>
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<h2><a name="pgfId=547467"></a><a name="21841"></a> Calvin's' 1555 Subversion of Geneva's Democracy Repeated In The Dutch Republic of 1579<strong><a name="pgfId=484358"></a></strong></h2>
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<h1 class="Heading1">
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<h3>Precedent in Servetus' Case Unleashes Calvinists to Kill Political Opponents On Specious Heresy/Blasphemy Charges</h3>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480825"></a> When Calvin and his party, mostly French, first came to Geneva, the city accepted them out of tolerance. When Calvin tried to exert a domineering influence, he was at first expelled in 1539. That year, Calvin had refused to give the entire town any communion on Easter Sunday in protest that the church Consistory could not excommunicate persons deemed `unworthy.'<sup><span class="footnote"> 1</span></sup> Rather than bow to Calvin, the city expelled him. Calvin stayed in Strasbourg for three years. In 1541, he was permitted to return.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=482853"></a> Eventually, in time, Calvin in the 1550s would wreak his revenge, and take over Geneva. Calvin would subvert the democratic institutions of Geneva, as we will see, by taking a tiny election victory in 1555, and use it to oust the old order using the precedent the Servetus' execution provided. Calvin would then create a tyrannical regime that he controlled as President of the Consistory from which charges of heresy could be filed in the criminal court which the Calvinists now undisputedly controlled.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=482647"></a> This is not denied by Calvinist scholars. This frank account of Calvin's path to tyranny by terror and subversion of democratic institutions is painstakingly demonstrated in William G. Naphy's <em>Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation </em>(London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003) at 182 et seq. Naphy neutrally and dispassionately recounts this shocking story.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944573"></a> As we shall see later, the Calvinists repeated this subversion of democracy in the Dutch Republic after its constitution of 1579 had promised freedom of religion.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=501383"></a> All this evil starts at its head with Calvin's criminal complaint that he filed through his assistant in 1553 against Servetus. Once the door was opened to kill a man for mere heresy, Calvinists were able to turn the power of killing opponents over to the magistrates' office at Geneva. This model was then followed in Salem, Massachussets and then again in the Dutch Republic. Because the Calvinists in 1555 dominated the Geneva magistrates on the Petit Conseil, the Calvinists used that office's power to kill as a means of using pretexts to eliminate by death their leading political opponents. The Geneva example became an example in subversion that Calvinists would repeat many subsequent times.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=482640"></a> We can trust this information on what happened in Geneva because William <a name="marker=925122"></a> Naphy's 2003 book was published by Westminster John Knox Press. This means it is released by one of the most well-known and respected publishing houses specializing on Calvinist history.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480830"></a> Moreover, for those unfamiliar with <a name="marker=925123"></a> Naphy, when he wrote this book, he was the head of the Department of History and the Director of Teaching at the School of History and History of Art at King's College at the University of Aberdeen. His book is based on an extensive study into the archives at Geneva. This included looking at the minutes of governing bodies such as the Geneva Consistory, and the criminal court including its notary records.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480847"></a> With that background, let's now examine what William Naphy had to say about the case involving <a name="marker=925121"></a> Servetus.</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=480855"></a> In the latter half of 1553, two new cases started which would and convulse Geneva for the remainder of the year and beyond. One, involving Michel Servetus, is undoubtedly the more famous today but of lesser importance in 1553. The premier case was Philibert <a name="marker=925120"></a> Berthelier's attempt to have the Petit Conseil overturn the ban of excommunication placed on him. The magistrates cooperated with the ministers in prosecuting Servetus while violently clashing with the ministers over the actual scope of Consistorial authority....</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=480870"></a> However, there are some aspects of Servitus case in which merit examination. First,... the action against Servetus was wholly a secular affair. Servetus did not appear before the Consistory[,] and <em><strong>ministers were brought into the case as theological specialists</strong></em> to dispute Servetus' opinions. It is also useful to recall that Servetus' case followed close on the heels of the Bolsec affair which had ended unsatisfactorily from Geneva's point of view; Bolsec had simply moved to Berne and <strong><em>continued his attacks on Calvinist doctrine from there</em></strong>. The issues involved were also of much greater importance; Bolsec disagreed with Calvin on predestination while Servetus rejected traditional Trinitarian doctrine and paedobaptism....</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=480889"></a> Servetus was arrested on 13 August 1553 after he was denounced by Nicolas de la Fontaine, Calvin's secretary. After an initial investigation, the lieutenant, Pierre Tissot, began the prosecution. On a 17 August, Germain Colladan appeared as a lawyer for De La Fontaine who was being held, according to Geneva law, until his accusations could be substantiated. At that point, the Lieutenant stepped aside and gave the case to his assistant, Philibert Berthelier, who was still excommunicated. The following day, for the first time, Calvin appeared as an expert witness to evaluate and refute Servetus' views. as it became apparent that Servetus would probably become <strong><em>the first person to be executed for heresy in Geneva</em></strong>, the city decided to seek advice of the other Swiss Protestant cities....[T]he Petit Conseil condemned Servetus; he was burned as a heretic the next day. (William G. Naphy, <em>Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation</em> (London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003) at 182-183.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480929"></a> Please note that in the above quote there simply was an indictment based solely on a complaint from Calvin's personal employee. The only witness was Calvin. The penalty doled out by the civil authorities was death.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=925085"></a> What Willie Naphy also points out is that concurrent with the Servetus' case, Berthelier -- the one Naphy just identified as one of Servetus' early prosecutors<sup><span class="footnote"> 2</span></sup> -- was battling against excommunication by Calvin's Church-run <a name="marker=925080"></a> Consistory. (<a name="marker=925077"></a> Calvin was president; this board had 6 pastors and 12 elders.) The same court that was about to rule against Servetus was simultaneously put under every unfair means of external pressure that Calvin could bring to bear to get his way. Calvin denounced their decision from the pulpit. Calvin had his allies threaten mass resignation from the criminal court (Petit Conseil) itself, to cripple its function. Naphy explains this simultaneous sub-plot involving <a name="marker=925081"></a> Berthelier who now served as one of Servetus' prosecutors:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=480942"></a> The other important case of 1553, involving Berthelier, began a fortnight after Servetus's arrest. Berthelier launched a fierce assault on the Consistory's power to excommunicate. On September 1, while excommunicated, he appealed to the Petit Conseil; he asserted that magistrates had the authority to overturn the Consistory's ruling.... when the Conseil upheld its earlier ruling and supported <a name="marker=925082"></a> Berthelier, Calvin's reaction was swift, uncompromising and guaranteed to provoke a hostile response from his opponents. He presented an ultimatum against the ruling on to September and announced decision from the pulpit the next day. By 7 September all the other ministers had rallied to Calvin's inside, threatening the Council with mass resignation. <em>Id.</em>, at 184.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=925100"></a> As this debate raged over Berthelier in 1553, Calvin continually appealed on the Berthelier matter to ministers throughout Switzerland to support him while the non-Calvinist magistrates of Geneva were soliciting support from other magistrates throughout Switzerland to support themselves.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480992"></a> It turned out that the "other Swiss Protestant cities" did not support Calvin on this issue. "They clearly wished to avoid offending, but showed no desire to support his views on excommunication and ecclesiastical authority." (Naphy <em>id</em>.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480993"></a> The magistrates who so opined were clearly correct as a matter of law in the Swiss cantons. William Naphy points out that the church throughout Switzerland always insisted excommunication was a civil affair of the state, and did not belong as a power of the church. If followed in this case, the church Consistory at Geneva had no final authority to excommunicate Berthelier. This law giving the state such jurisdiction was something that the Protestant faithful had initially sought to achieve in Switzerland, apparently designed to protect the individual from loss of a perceived civil liberty at the hand of the church.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=480994"></a> The first revised ruling in the case of <a name="marker=925072"></a> Berthelier was a face saving one. The Petit Conseil insisted that Berthelier was "free to receive communion but advised that he voluntarily refrain from doing so...." <em>Id.</em>, at 185.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481011"></a> However, the ministers/pastors at the urging of Calvin would not back down. The pressure became too great:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=481017"></a> Faced with the impasse created by the determined opposition of the ministers, the magistrates had little choice but to climb down unless the Petit Conseil had been willing to expel the entire company of pastors. Its members had no other option; the issue itself could not be settled. [They] were faced with historic reality that there was a practical limit to their ability to control the ministers. But simply, they had no effective means of forcing the creatures in the local supporters to give way; the best they could only hope to maintain the stalemate. <em>Id.</em>, at 186.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481030"></a> What this concurrent history with Servetus' case demonstrates is that the judicial system at Geneva was not comprised of merely civil authorities operating independent of Calvin's church. Instead, within the same civil authority of the Petit Conseil, many members of the decision-making body of the panel of magistrates were a significant number of Calvinist ministers. These ministers could vote and move as a block, and thereby pressure all the other magistrates to follow their will. The other magistrates could only hope to stalemate and check the Calvinist ministers. But such action had its practical limits because the ministers would use the pulpit to attack the magistrates for doing so.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481036"></a> In other words, the very same civil magistrates who decided the case involving Servetus were the very same group of magistrates who could not act independently of the Calvinist minister members on the Petit Conseil to assume jurisdiction over the Berthelier case of excommunication, as Geneva law had previously settled in favor of their civil jurisdiction.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481050"></a> Because these very same Calvinist ministers were being led by Calvin, this gave the denunciation of Servetus by Calvin's cook/student/secretary an enormous foot forward. There could be no realistic expectation of a fair neutral judiciary to decide the fate of Servetus.</p>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h3 class="Heading2"><a name="pgfId=481073"></a> Polarization by Calvin's Troops To Gain Power to Kill</h3>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481095"></a> William Naphy points out these disputes at the time were "all polarizing the population throughout Geneva..." He continues: "the [Calvinist] ministers were in a position to drive home their message that their opponents were godless lovers of disorder and immorality, opposed to God's truth."<em> Id.</em>, at 186-87.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481098"></a> However, in reality, Calvin was stirring up friction over any disagreement with his views. He was willing to instigate criminal prosecutions against people solely because they did not acknowledge what Calvin taught was true. Thus, what is happening in the background is Calvin is actually trying to step up and begin using the church-court to inflict punishments which previously belonged exclusively to the state: excommunication and death. Calvin was stymied in this, and thus at this juncture he is relying upon the magistrates of the town council or Petit Conseil to inflict the punishments which can give Calvin de facto authority to eliminate opponents.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481110"></a> William Naphy points out that at this juncture "Calvin repeatedly stressed his view that his opponents were arrogant man who tolerated sin and delighted in wickedness." Id., at 188. Thus, Calvin's view allowed himself to see his political opponents as simultaneously sinners worthy of at least expulsion based on the mere fact of their opposition to Calvin. This was enough to smear them as <a name="marker=925067"></a> Libertines -- a label invented solely by the Calvinists to describe the opposition. (This epithet is used so often by Calvinist apologists in historical writings that one would think there was actually a political party called the Libertines at Geneva.<sup><span class="footnote"> 3</span></sup> Alas, there was no such party. It is simply a smear systematically employed first by Calvin and then by any historian of a Calvinist-bent to describe those in opposition to Calvin. It was an epithet to demonize opponents, and hence justify what is about to be done to them in 1555 -- death and expulsion.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481114"></a> In reality, Calvin was sowing violent discord and hateful abuse on opponents rather than seeking to convince by means of persuasion.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481120"></a> Eventually, this led to political success for Calvin. The last stronghold of traditional Swiss independence crumbled as the French reformers who started as mere immigrants now took control of Geneva. For 1554 was the last time that the Swiss party was able to defeat at the polls the French immigrants led by Calvin. William Naphy explains the change:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=481124"></a> The first<strong><em> dramatic sign of a shift</em></strong> in the political landscape came on 24 January 1555, a week after... [an] execution for sodomy and in the midst of the trial for [an alleged] blasphemous procession. The Conseils des Soixante and Deux Cents overruled the Petit Conseil and accepted the ministerial interpretation of the [city] ordinances about excommunication; the [Church] Consistory's <strong><em>authority to discipline was secured</em></strong>. <em>Id.,</em> at 189.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=925032"></a> In other words, in 1555, as a result of Calvin's backdoor pressure, the civil magistrate authorities overruled Swiss practice, and now ruled that the church could inflict church discipline of excommunication without approval or review by the state/the courts.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=925033"></a> Prior to this change in 1555, there was one good effect of the lack of separation of church and state in Geneva. If you wanted to express yourself freely, you had some hope that the magistrates would shield you from the Calvinist influence over the city. The Petit Conseil could suspend any penalties the church-Consistory wanted to impose. However, that last hope of independence of the civil authorities from the Calvinist party was now in collapse in 1555. The Calvinists could now have their way, forcing the magistrates to accept findings of the Calvinist church-Consistory which had authority over every citizen due to the compulsory oath to the <a name="marker=925034"></a> Confession of Faith. Once the Consistory was given independent power to inflict discipline on members, this led the Consistory under Calvin's presidency to seek to undermine any independent influence at the Petit Conseil to check its power.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481153"></a> This came about because in February 1555, the Calvinist party won a slight but decisive triumph at the polls. It was the "evidence of an <strong><em>equally decisive shift in Geneva and politics</em></strong>." (Naphy, <em>supra</em>, at 189.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481154"></a> As a consequence, Calvinists were then being appointed in greater numbers to all magistrate councils including the Petit Conseil and the superior Conseil de Deux Cents. Id., at 190.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481161"></a> As a result, William Naphy could say "all the election results of 1555 show a substantial if not overwhelming shift towards the Calvinists." Id., at 190. Nevertheless, "it is essential to stress the slim majority the Calvinist had." As a result, such a "slender majority suggested the shift in the balance of political power in Geneva without implying an overwhelming realignment of public opinion." <em>Id.</em>, at 191.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481203"></a> Then a decisive subversion took place of the Swiss rulers by the French refugees loyal to Calvin. This is what allowed the Calvinists to take complete control. It was ingenious while at the same time bordering on diabolical. William Naphy explains this in neutral tones:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=481175"></a> The Calvinists were left with the problem of devising a means of securing and strengthening their position. The change they made to the councils and courts showed that they tried to entrench their supporters at every level of Geneva government.... Their greatest change was to the Conseil General.... The obvious answer to this problem [i.e., the risk of retrenchment to the Swiss traditional ruling families] was to alter the character and composition of this body in such a way as to guarantee Calvinist majorities. The method which the Calvinists chose involved the admission of substantial numbers of French refugees to the borgeoisie [entitled to vote].... The enfranchisement of a dedicated block of pro-Calvin refugees, coupled with the fortuitous chance to exile many of the opposition, gave the Calvinists just to change a desired before the next election in 1556 around 130 new bourgeois [voters] were admitted and over 50 [Swiss traditionalists] faced judicial action ranging from warnings and disenfranchisement to exile or death. In a city of 12,000 persons with an evenly divided electorate, the addition of so many new voters and the expulsion of the opposition's leadership was sufficient to alter Geneva's entire magisterial structure." (Naphy, <em>supra</em>, at 191-92.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481197"></a> In other words, by expanding French immigration, the power of the civil magistrates now fell into the hands of the Calvinists. They used this judicial power to accuse opponents of blasphemy or heresy. The effect was to then expel or kill opponents on `moral' grounds. The intention was clearly to then even more certainly centralize power and take undisputed control.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481234"></a> William <a name="marker=925008"></a> Naphy makes no bones about what was taking place. He states "there is no doubt that the admission of these bourgeois [i.e., immigrants] was a calculated political move to pack the Geneva electorate.... Recent history works have presented a very confused picture of the Calvinist victory and its aftermath. Bouwsma simply fails to give any explanation of the Calvinist triumph." Id., at 192.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481235"></a> Naphy is identifying facts which apologists for Calvin do not want to see. However, if the validity of Calvinism were not at stake, surely such Christian men would themselves be aghast over such subversive tactics to undermine a state to allow a religious faction to assume undisputed control. Such sedition and subversion of a peaceful God-fearing (Protestant) democratic community is wrong in every age and in every place. The Calvinist' desire to subvert such a city, driving out those Christians who differed from Calvin's doctrines, reveals something defective at the core of Calvinism. For in doing this, Calvinists at Geneva were transgressing the universally-recognized crime of sedition.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=546968"></a> Thus, the true Christian response is to recognize Calvin was making a calculated <a name="marker=924999"></a> Stalinesque effort to subvert a democracy, control the ballot box, and then kill and expel opponents so as to turn a democracy into a one-party regime.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481243"></a> For example, in mid-1555, Calvin criticized the Swiss traditional leaders of Geneva who had attended a sermon in a Bernese church. In that sermon, Calvin was attacked from the pulpit.<sup><span class="footnote"> 4</span></sup> Calvin was making himself a sacrosanct figure. Simultaneously, the old guard were shown what criticizing Calvin could mean. The magistrates now had André <a name="marker=924998"></a> Vulliod arrested upon Calvin's charge that Vulliod committed blasphemy. <a name="marker=924959"></a> Vulliod's statement was wholly innocuous. He simply said, "we have done a great wrong by the arrest of Jesus Christ, whom the Jews have rejected and given over to the Gentiles."<a href="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579.html#pgfId=547012" class="footnote"> </a><span class="footnote"><sup>5</sup></span> Apparently, Calvin thought this was intended to criticize Calvin's arrest of all the good citizens in his grab for undisputed power. Yet, on its face, it lacks any such meaning.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=546982"></a> How did the slightest statement about Jesus end up in a blasphemy charge? Naphy explains why: the Petit Conseil (the magistrates) were now "dominated by the Calvinists..." <em>Id.</em>, at 193.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481250"></a> Then the <a name="marker=924958"></a> final shoe fell.</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=481252"></a> In time the magistrates began to move decisively against the [traditional Swiss rulers of Geneva]. Throughout the summer [Swiss traditionalists] were fined, exiled or sentenced to death. <em>Id.,</em> at 194.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481253"></a> A very thorough list was compiled by William Naphy of the names of the Swiss traditionalists who were resisting the Calvinists and were put under threat. It is a frightening list of numerous names where next to their name we see often "sentenced to death, fled" or "executed." Included within the this list was one of those who vigorously fought his excommunication from the communion table -- <a name="marker=924957"></a> Berthelier. Next to his name, it says "sentenced to death, fled." <em>Id.</em>, at 195.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481288"></a> By this method, it is an undisputed fact that the Calvinists resorted to brazen killing of opponents for no other reason than they were opponents of Calvinism. Yet, Calvin and his party were on a mission to usurp all aspects of city government, and then use that political power to physically drive out their political opponents from Geneva. Berthelier had said it best when his brother, Francois Daniel, was executed at Geneva in June 1555. (His crime apparently was sympathy with those executed or exiled.) <a name="marker=924956"></a> Berthelier responded to his brother's death, saying that the city was now run by murderers. (Naphy, <em>supra</em>, at 196.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481316"></a> Upon their narrow election victory of February <a name="marker=924955"></a> 1555, the Calvinists quickly completed their goal of making Geneva a totalitarian religious regime. These tightening measures also had the advantage of ensnaring anyone who was not a strict Calvinist in thought or deed. For example, one of the first orders after the narrow election victory for the Calvinists was that as of February 1555 women must now sit apart from men in church. (Naphy, <em>supra</em>, at 198.) Because attendance at church was mandatory for every resident of Geneva<sup>,<span class="footnote"> 6</span> </sup>this separation decree would test whether the non-Calvinists would submit to another level of cruel oppression.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547411"></a> Cottret records the February 1555 explanation for this decree: "It has been brought to notice here that women mix among the men and men among the women at the sermon."<sup><span class="footnote"> 7</span></sup> In consequence, the people must no longer "mix with each other," but "each should take a place only for himself." (Cottret, <em>id.,</em> at 252.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547345"></a> In March 1556, those who broke measures barring the mixing of men and women were subjected to public humiliation in the collar -- a sort of pillory.<sup><span class="footnote"> 8</span> </sup>This was in keeping with Calvin's Geneva earlier having criminalized <a name="marker=924997"></a> dancing between a man and woman.<sup><span class="footnote"> 9</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547349"></a> In 1557, further interference in matters unquestionably private involved a ban on an older woman from <a name="marker=924996"></a> marrying. This was on the theory that a marriage union which would not produce children was fornication, the Calvinists forgetting the possibility that care, comfort and mutual support (i.e., love) could also be a primary purpose of a marriage union!<sup><span class="footnote"> 10</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547353"></a> These decrees and rulings are but a small glimpse at a parade of many other <a name="marker=924949"></a> tyrannies over innocent behavior which was never criminalized in the Bible, and which even the Bible endorsed!<sup><span class="footnote"> 11</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547357"></a> Then to effectuate totalitarian control, the Consistory -- the church's governing body with <a name="marker=924954"></a> Calvin as President -- established "spies and watchmen" who were to "report to the Consistory all breaches of discipline."<sup><span class="footnote"> 12</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547319"></a> Of course, none of this was a laughing matter. For indeed, since 1550, laughter was outlawed during any sermon. The penalty: three days imprisonment.<sup><span class="footnote"> 13</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547417"></a> By 1557, Geneva had become a cheerless tyranny. No dancing. No mixing of sexes. No laughter. No light.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=547288"></a> When the old Swiss<a name="marker=924950"></a> traditionalists were in a slight dominance, Calvin felt free to condemn them at every turn without fear anyone would accuse him of any un-Christian attack on those `in authority.' However, when Calvin (the Frenchman) used his fellow loyal French immigrants to subvert the city of Geneva, now anyone who spoke out against using this subversive tactic was deemed un-Christian. With the same power those new voters gave him, Calvin could use the Consistory's powers (over which he was President) to now drive out and expel anyone who spoke out. He labelled all his intended victims as political subversives or blasphemers. Calvin would now be able to rely upon his doctrine from his Institutes which taught that it is a Christian duty to submit to tyranny and not rebel. <a name="marker=924940"></a> Institutes 4:20.1 ("spiritual <a name="marker=924943"></a> liberty may very well consist with political servitude.") As a result, Calvin could now twist this principle to his advantage, so that "it was considered blasphemy to speak against the foreigners who had taken refuge at Geneva for the sake of religion."<sup><span class="footnote"> 14</span> </sup>In other words, any political speech that exposed the stratagem of how Calvin would subvert and eventually did subvert the city government was banned as blasphemy!</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=481292"></a> William Naphy does not hide all the evil that was afoot by Calvin and his cohorts. These stringent policies were used to effectuate the "mass explusion of... many leading citizens" to solidify Calvin's dominion. Id., at 197. In May 1555, just over a year after Servetus' execution and on the heals of the February 1555 prohibition on mixing-of-sexes during church services and other similar tyrannies, Perrin (the leader of the Swiss traditional ruling class) tried opposing the church now taking over the entire life of Geneva. This led to a melee, Perrin's expulsion and "the execution of four of his associates."<sup><span class="footnote"> 15</span></sup> All involved were tried without the benefit of being arrested and hence the right to defend their innocence. Yet, the final decrees ordered their death.<sup><span class="footnote"> 16</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=510314"></a> William Naphy sums up the whole pernicious process of how <a name="marker=924929"></a> Calvin and his `ministers' subverted the entire city government:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=481301"></a> It is essential to recall that the margin of the Calvinists' victory [in February 1555] and electoral swing which produced it were very slight. [The Calvinists exploited this slim margin and] they were ruthlessly willing to alter the Genevan electorate to secure their grip on power: and when presented with the chance, they were able and willing to crush [sic: kill] the opposition and expel a significant number of their fellow citizens. As the next chapter will show, the Calvinists were not content with this singular victory; they used their new-found political power to sweep away much in Geneva's ruling elite. <em>Id.</em>, at 199.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=485550"></a> Ironically, Calvin had committed the very wrongs that Tyndale, a leading reformer, said the Pope and the Catholic church had done to the civil governments of Europe.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=485559"></a> In <a name="marker=924922"></a> Tyndale's <em>Answer to More,</em> Tyndale proved the Catholic church has long been corrupt because the Pope had managed to subvert temporal power. Tyndale argued the Pope has become the true ruler of Europe. The monarchs of Europe were only his servants. Yet, look at Calvin in Geneva? He had subverted the civil system, and turned it into a power-mad servant of his lusts for killing to guarantee control. Remember, real people died for mere thoughts in Geneva's Republic during Calvin's Reign of Terror.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h2 class="Heading2"><a name="pgfId=924797"></a> The Lesson This Teaches</h2>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=924798"></a> Yet, in August 1553, Calvin's long-term strategy was not known. It was not clear how the killing of Servetus as a heretic would create a precedent -- a very dangerous precedent -- to steal the liberty of every Genevan. We cannot trust the motive of the learned or the religious when they come to take away our liberty of thought. Instead, we must guard the law from ever being used to infringe on the freedom of speech. Any such effort perverts the purpose of the law and allows the loss of every other protection offered by the law. For once a community loses freedom of thought due to overbearing laws or prosecutors, all other liberties can be destroyed. For freedom of speech is the foundation of all other liberties. Without it, all citizens are subject to the whim of the state. No one explained this principle better than Calvin himself, which proves his knowing violation of it in 1553. Prior to becoming a Christian, Calvin wrote a commentary in 1532 entitled <em>Seneca's book On Mercy</em>. There Calvin said:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=924806"></a> If there is anything free in man, it is his tongue. A man is thrust into<strong><em> utter slavery when his FREEDOM OF SPEECH is taken away.</em></strong> In a free city, says <a name="marker=924886"></a> Tiberius [Suet., Tib. 28.1], there must be free speech.<a href="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579.html#pgfId=924842" class="footnote"> </a><sup><span class="footnote">17</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=924891"></a> All these words but the last sentence are Calvin's own thoughts at one time.<sup><span class="footnote">18</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=924804"></a> Thus, Calvin meant in 1532 that <strong><em>anyone who seeks to infringe on the freedom of speech of his neighbors</em></strong>, and wishes to cast them onto the fire for disagreement with their views, <strong><em>is nothing but a tyrant</em></strong> -- the enslaver of men. Ironically, these words belong to none other than Calvin himself. As our Lord Jesus said, "you will be judged by every word that comes out of your own mouth."</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944587"></a> Yet, the lesson Calvin taught in 1553-1554, not 1532, is the one that his adherents followed, with deadly consequences. Next we shall see the example of subversion at Geneva was repeated in the Dutch Republic, leading to killings of heretics and loss of religious liberty.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h1 class="Heading1"><a name="pgfId=944356"></a>
|
||||
<div><img src="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579-1.gif" /></div>
|
||||
</h1>
|
||||
<h2>Other Nightmarish Murders by Calvinists For Which Calvin's Precedent With Servetus Makes Calvin Morally Responsible</h2>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944358"></a> Calvin's murderous precedent with Servetus and lesson in the Defensio of 1554 lived on among his most zealous followers. The first place this repeated itself outside Geneva was in the Dutch Republic in 1618 and 1659-1661.</p>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h3 class="Heading2"><a name="pgfId=948884"></a> The Dutch Republic Turns To Murder of Non-Calvinists</h3>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948871"></a> In the <a name="marker=948870"></a> Dutch Republic, freedom of conscience was enshrined in the 1579 <a name="marker=948872"></a> Union of Utrecht. This was the Republic's basic constitutional document. Article 13 of the Union specifically stated: "each person shall remain free, especially in his religion, and that no one shall be persecuted or investigated because of their religion."</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948873"></a> However, by a series of subversions, the Calvinists gained hegemony. They began doing so in 1582 by means of censorship laws. With a Calvinist as governor over the most influential province of Holland, the Calvinists used censorship laws to persecute religious views different from strict Calvinism. As a result, the Dutch Reformed Church became the de facto but never de jure church of the Netherlands. All other denominations were suppressed.<sup><span class="footnote"> 19</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948877"></a> This persecution became murderous at Dort in 1619 and at Boston in 1656.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h3 class="Heading2"><a name="pgfId=948836"></a> The Murderous Council of Dort of 1618-1619</h3>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948837"></a> The unchristian and murderous behavior of Calvin's heirs toward heretics is on full display in the <a name="marker=948838"></a> Council of Dort. (The Dutch name was Dordrecht.) This council was to determine policy for Holland--one of the seven provinces of the United Netherlands. It was not a natioanl council of the Netherlands, even though Holland was the most influential province.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948839"></a> We in the Reformed churches praise the rulings at the Council, but we are never told the same men who endorsed the five principles of Calvinism at this Council simultaneously ordered beheaded a famous pastor. This pastor's crime? He did nto believe in rigid predestination. All the others who dissented from strict Calvinism were banished.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948840"></a> How could leaders of Calvinism have the gospel truth but engage in judicial murder, contrary to our Lord's words in the <a name="marker=948894"></a> Parable of the Wheat and the Tares? Our Lord commands us to make this review, and reject as an authority in the church anything taught by men guilty of such misdeeds.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948842"></a> What is particularly deplorable about the Council of Dort is that many times we are taught in the Reformed Church that this council "settled" points of doctrine within the church. The way this is depicted is one would think this was a fair-minded discussion. However, what is instead true is the dissenting group of pastors at Reformed churches who did not accept rigid predestination and "eternal assurance" doctrine<sup><span class="footnote"> 20</span></sup> were invited to have a fair discussion and vote alongside the Reformed leaders invited from eight countries.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948935"></a> The deck was stacked from the beginning. The opponents of the Arminian Remonstrants invited as voting members to this church synod a superfluity of Calvinists from eight other countries. This created a total of 86 voters who likely could be counted upon to side with the Contra-Remonstrants. At the inception, the Arminian Remonstrants were given three seats with voting rights.<sup><span class="footnote"> 21</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=949145"></a> However, after arguments had been presented fairly by both sides for 26 sessions, on the 27th session everything was changed. The Synod displaced the three voting Arminians, and denied them their seats. Being forced to yield their chairs, now only the side opposing the Arminians were both the judge and witnesses.<sup><span class="footnote"> 22</span> </sup>The Arminians were cut off any longer from any ability to dispute doctrine as equals, and vote as judges. "[T]he Arminian representatives were detained and were not allowed to sit on the synod. Thus the judges were comprised entirely of individuals who had already rejected the Arminian view."<sup><span class="footnote"> 23</span> </sup>As one wry observer noted, the Arminian Remonstrants "were predestined to fail."<sup><span class="footnote">24</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=949068"></a> They were displaced effectively, contrary to the entire spirit of the meeting up to that point. Their opponents alone were thereafter permitted to be seated, vote and speak. The 86 remaining voting members of the synod, including the many foreigners who had been invived, then voted "unanimously" that the displaced Remonstrants were wrong in doctrine. The 86 then made pronouncements of imprisonment, banishment and through their influence over the States General death upon one famous supporter of the Arminians. Schaff--a Calvinist and famous historian--summarizes the results:</p>
|
||||
<p class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=949107"></a> The victory of orthodoxy was obscured by the succeeding deposition of about two hundred Arminian clergymen, and by the preceding though independent arrest of the political leaders of the Remonstrants, at the instigation of [Prince] Maurice. Grotius was condemned by the States-General to perpetual imprisonment, but escaped through the ingenuity of his wife (1621). Van Olden Barneveldt was unjustly condemned to death for alleged high-treason, and beheaded at the Hague (May 14, 1619). His sons took revenge in a fruitless attempt against the life of Prince Maurice. (Schaff, <em>Creeds of Christendom</em>, Vol. I, 514.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948843"></a> Hence, the Council of Dort is not a ruling we can raise as an honorable event, as is still done today in Calvinist denominations.<sup><span class="footnote"> 25</span></sup> Instead, it was conference tainted by murder, tyranny and oppression. The ones following the arguments of Arminius were, as the Freewill Baptist Quarterly relates, "persecuted with inveterate malice."<sup><span class="footnote"> 26</span></sup> All these 200 ministers in dissent from strict Calvinism "were accordingly silenced in their churches, or forced into exile" in the state of Holland. Id.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=949189"></a> In <em>Historia Quinquarticularis</em> (London: 1650), the famous English preacher Peter Heylin, D.D. (1600-1662) commented that at the Synod of Dort ".... what the Contra Remonstrants (strict Calvinists) wanted in strength, they made good by power .. they prosecuted their Opponents in their several Consistories, by suspensions, excommunications, and Deprivations, the highest Censures of the church."<sup><span class="footnote"> 27</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948940"></a> As one dispassionate summary states:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=948850"></a> If we pass over into Holland [i.e., one of the seven provinces of the Netherlands], we shall also find that the reformers there, were, most of them, in the principles and measures of persecution.... the most outrageous<strong><em> quarrel </em></strong>of all was that between the Calvinists and Arminians.... The moment the two parties had thus got a dogma to dispute upon, the controversy became irreconcilable, and was conducted with the <em><strong>most outrageous violence</strong></em>. The ministers of the predestinarian party would enter into no treaty; the remonstrants [non-Calvinists] were the objects of their furious zeal, whom they denominated, mamalukes, devils and plagues;<strong><em> animating the magistrates to destroy them</em></strong>; and when the time of the new elections drew near, they prayed to God for such men as would be zealous, even to blood, though it were to cost the whole trade of their cities. At length, a synod being assembled, acted in the usual manner; they laid down the principles of faith with confidence, condemned the doctrine of the remonstrants; <em><strong>deprived their antagonists of all their offices</strong></em>; and concluded by humbly beseeching God and their high mightinesses, to put their decrees into execution, and to ratify the doctrine they had expressed. The states obliged them in this Christian and charitable request, for as soon as the synod was concluded, <em><strong>Barnwelt</strong></em> [Dutch: John of Olden Barneveld], a friend of the remonstrants and their opinions, <em><strong>was beheaded</strong></em>,<sup><span class="footnote"> 28</span></sup> and <a name="marker=948851"></a> <em><strong>Grotius condemned to perpetual imprisonment</strong></em>; and because the dissenting ministers would not promise wholly, and always to abstain from the exercise of their religious functions, the states passed a resolution for <em><strong>banishing them</strong></em>, on pain, if they did not submit to it, of being treated as disturbers of the public peace." (J.J. Stockdale, <em>The History of the Inquisitions </em>(1810) at xxviii, xxix.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=949161"></a> Yet, one often hears Calvinists claiming the Council of Dort was an ecumenical council, with broadminded input that then `settled' certain thorny issues, as if in a dispassionate manner. However, as the Court in <em>Groesbeeck v. Dunscomb</em> (New York Practice Reports, 1871), said, such a depiction of the Council of Dort as an "ecumenical council... wholly misrepresents" those proceedings. Instead, "it is perfectly notorious that it never pretended to settle doctrines of the Christian communion, but only some miserable controversies between Calvinists and Arminians." (Id. at 314). Some members of the church of England were invited, but they were without power of that church to commit to anything. "The decrees of the synod were never accepted in England, and were vigorously opposed by both the king and the archbishop of Canterbury."<em> Id</em>.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=949162"></a> In England, the condemnation of the Council of Dort long echoed throughout history. Samuel Parr (1747-1825) wrote that we are "shocked at the vindictive dispositions of those who presided at the Council of Dort."<sup><span class="footnote"> 29</span></sup> He went on:</p>
|
||||
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" class="Quote"><a name="pgfId=948857"></a> In England, we are disgusted by the sullen obstinancy of some puritans, at the brutal ferocity of others, and at the insolent domination of their headstrong and infuriated oppressors. <em>Id</em>.</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=949177"></a> The horrors of the Council of Dort are thus more of the terrible legacy of Calvin.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h3 class="Heading2"><a name="pgfId=948751"></a> Calvinist Death Penalties At Boston: 1659-1661</h3>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948752"></a> In 1656, the Quakers of Boston were threatened by death by the governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony (MBC)--a Dutch chartered corporation which means it was directly controlled by the Dutch Republic. In 1656, Endicott, the MBC governor, threatened the Quakers<sup><span class="footnote"> 30</span> </sup>with the death penalty if they resisted the Dutch Reformed Church as the sole lawful church. "Take heed," he said, "ye break not our ecclesiastical laws, for then ye are sure to stretch by a halter."<sup><span class="footnote"> 31</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=948759"></a> The Dutch rulers were serious. Four Quakers were executed thereafter solely for their beliefs. These became known as the <a name="marker=948760"></a> Boston Martyrs. Three were English members of the Society of Friends (Quakers): Marmaduke Stephenson, William Robinson and Mary Dyer. The forth was the Friend William Leddra of Barbados. Each were "condemned to death and executed by public hanging for their religious beliefs under the legislature of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1659, 1660 and 1661."<sup><strong>3</strong></sup><span class="footnote"><sup><strong>2</strong></sup></span></p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h3 class="Heading2"><a name="pgfId=944596"></a> Murders by Calvinist Pilgrims of Massachusets: 1620-1693.</h3>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944597"></a> In Massachusetts -- murderous Calvinists known as <a name="marker=944598"></a> Separatists (aka Dissenters) engaged in what is nothing less than mass murder. These were Puritans who morphed into `Separatist' <a name="marker=944599"></a> Pilgrims but who were still Calvinist Puritans in doctrine.<sup><span class="footnote"> 33</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944607"></a> In Salem, they restarted the pattern of Geneva. At first, they landed peaceably at Salem, Massachusetts from 1620-1630. Gradually, they passed laws that expelled "from the territory all those who did not profess what they called the orthodox faith" -- sending Priests, Quakers and other Protestants to resettle elsewhere.<sup><span class="footnote"> 34</span> </sup>But then by 1692-1693, this turned ugly. The violent practices of Geneva revived in Salem. During those two years, the church there initiated discipline over church members that resulted in the killing of 29 women as alleged <a name="marker=944611"></a> witches. (These were largely church-goers.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944612"></a> The Pilgrim-Puritan/Calvinist party saw themselves as in a new type of Geneva: "the Puritans [of Salem] had established a type of theocracy... in which the church ruled in all civil matters, including that of administering capital punishment for violations of a spiritual nature."<sup><span class="footnote"> 35</span></sup></p>
|
||||
<p class="BodyAfterHead"><a name="pgfId=944616"></a> Thus, one sees here the Salem Church, like the Church Consistory of Geneva under Calvin, arrogated to itself the right to impose punishment upon church members. These punishments included death. This was in reliance on the practices that Calvin inaugurated at Geneva. Hence, we see once more that Calvin's misdeeds suffered repetition. The reason it took so long to undo this pattern is that Calvin's defenders over the Servetus Affair continued to promote the power of the church to kill those in dissent or who were perceived as heretics. Calvin bears on his ledger all those murdered at Salem as well.</p>
|
||||
<p class="Body"><a name="pgfId=944594"></a></p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<hr />
|
||||
<div class="footnotes">
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 1.</span> <a name="pgfId=925135"></a> See <a href="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579.html#10919" class="XRef"> </a> and accompanying text.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 2.</span> <a name="pgfId=925104"></a> Berthelier was soon replaced. Calvin's modern apologists deceptively argue that Berthelier was the "attorney of Servetus," but in fact he was the prosecutor. However, he favored applying the law as currently written -- a punishment of expulsion. Consequently, at this early juncture before Calvin appeared as a witness, it very much appeared that the court would be inclined to simply banish Servetus. After Calvin appeared as a witness and began testifying, the prosecutorial team was reshuffled, and Berthelier was no longer involved, and now the penalty under discussion gradually shifted to death. Hence, one may infer that Berthelier was in favor of allowing Servetus to be banished. Given his own struggles against Calvin, one could foresee Berthelier being mild to Servetus.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 3.</span> <a name="pgfId=937731"></a> For a deplorable example of such `historical writing, see "The Burning of Michael Servetus," at http://www.albatrus.org/english/potpourri/historical/burning_of_servetus.htm (accessed 6/29/08).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 4.</span> <a name="pgfId=924961"></a> The Pastor of Berne, <a name="marker=924981"></a> Haller, strongly regarded Calvin's doctrine on predestination as virtually blasphemy of God's good nature. See <a href="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579.html#31822" class="XRef"> </a> , and accompanying text.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 5.</span> <a name="pgfId=547012"></a> Amédée Roget, <em>Histoire du peuple de Genève depuis la réforme jusqu'à l'escalade</em> (Geneva, J. Jullien, 1877) Vol. IV at 170 explains this incident in French: "By Le 10, André Vulliod, citoyen et notaire, est dénoncé par Calvin et les ministres comme coupable de blasphème. Ce personnage avait dit que «nous avons grand tort de nous arrester à Jésus-Christ, lequel les Juifs ont reffusé et livré aux gentils;» on lui reprochait aussi de s'être ingéré à recevoir la Cène, bien qu'elle lui eût été défendue. Il est banni pour trois ans par arrêt du Conseil."</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 6.</span> <a name="pgfId=547337"></a> "Lives of Calvin," <em>London Quarterly</em> (March 1809) at 286 ("Attendance at sermons was rigidly insisted upon.")</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 7.</span> <a name="pgfId=547262"></a> Bernard Cottret, <em>Calvin: A Biography</em> (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2000) at 252.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 8.</span> <a name="pgfId=547181"></a> Bernard Cottret, <em>Calvin: A Biography</em> (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2000) at 253.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 9.</span> <a name="pgfId=547149"></a> Bernard Cottret, <em>Calvin: A Biography</em> (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2000) -- a sympathetic work to Calvin -- mentions the following facts:</p>
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><a name="pgfId=547157"></a> [1] in April 1546, Ami <a name="marker=924952"></a> Perrin was put on trial for refusing to testify against several friends who were allegedly guilty of having <a name="marker=924953"></a> danced. She was incarcerated for refusal to testify. (Id., at 189.)</p>
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><a name="pgfId=547158"></a> [2] on Thursday, June 23, 1547, several women are tried for having danced, this time including Ami Perrin. (<em>Id</em>., at 189.)</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 10.</span> <a name="pgfId=547276"></a> Bernard Cottret, <em>Calvin: A Biography</em> (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2000) at 253 ("The age of marriage depended on the ability to procreate. The union of the widow <a name="marker=924948"></a> Claude Richardot, said to be seventy years of age, with her servant Jean Archard, a "youngster of twenty-five or twenty-six" was forbidden. The Council gave the following decision (Tuesday, January 5, 1557): `Such a union would be against nature, and rather to support fornication than the marriage state, which should be kept holy....[T]he servant wanted to take his mistress, not for the principal objects of marriage, to have descendents or for reproduction or other comforts, but for riches. So that it is not according to God.")</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 11.</span> <a name="pgfId=547200"></a> In <a name="marker=924930"></a> Exodus 15:20, Miriam was <a name="marker=924941"></a> dancing to celebrate the victory God's power had brought at the Red Sea. In <a name="marker=924942"></a> 2 Samuel 6:12-16, it recounts David "danced before the Lord" to celebrate the Ark of the Covenant being brought back to Jerusalem. <a name="marker=924931"></a> Psalm 149:3 & <a name="marker=924932"></a> 150:4 mention that we can praise or worship God through dance. There is no prohibition in the Law or Prophets or in Jesus' words on a man and woman dancing.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 12.</span> <a name="pgfId=547311"></a> "Lives of Calvin," <em>London Quarterly</em> (March 1809) at 286.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 13.</span> <a name="pgfId=547326"></a> "Lives of Calvin," <em>London Quarterly</em> (March 1809) at 286 ("To <a name="marker=924933"></a> laugh during a sermon was a matter which drew after it three days' imprisonment.")</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 14.</span> <a name="pgfId=547295"></a> "Lives of Calvin," <em>London Quarterly</em> (March 1809) at 286.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 15.</span> <a name="pgfId=510293"></a> David Sloan Wilson, <em>Darwin's Cathedral: Evolution, Religion, and the Nature of Society</em> (University of Chicago Press, 2002) at 115.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 16.</span> <a name="pgfId=547392"></a> According to Bernard Cottret, <em>Calvin: A Biography</em> (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2000) -- who is sympathetic to Calvin we learn at page 198, the following facts:</p>
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><a name="pgfId=547381"></a> On Monday, June 3, <a name="marker=924951"></a> 1555, several leading citizens were judged without even their presence in court or being put under arrest for the melee of May 1555. In that melee they were in protest against the new tyrranical laws. <a name="marker=924923"></a> Perrin was condemned to have the hand of his right arm cut off, i.e., the hand with which he grabbed the baton that represented the church-head's (syndic's) office. He and those involved in the melee were condemned to decapitation. Then the heads and Perrin's hand were to be nailed up in public and he and his friends' bodies were to be cut into four quarters. The brothers <a name="marker=924924"></a> Comparet received the sentence of decapitation and their bodies were also to be quartered. In response, most fled. Those who refused to be intimidated, and stayed eventually were executed. Two other men, Claude Galloys and Girard Thomas, were put in a sort of pillory in two different parts of town. Galloys also received the sentence of having to carry a torch and ask for mercy. <a name="marker=924927"></a> Berthelier's brother Francois-Daniel was among the victims of the repression. At the same time, <a name="marker=924928"></a> Calvin completely justified the severity of these sentences.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 17.</span> <a name="pgfId=924842"></a> John Calvin, <em>Commentary on Seneca's De Clementia</em> (1532) (Battles/Hugo translation)(1969) at 141.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 18.</span> <a name="pgfId=924903"></a> See <a href="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579.html#22674" class="XRef"> </a> .</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 19.</span> <a name="pgfId=948876"></a> See our oline article http://www.jesuswordsonly.com/Lessons/Dutch %20 Republic%20 %20 Calvinist%20subversion %20of%20 freedom%20of%20religion.pdf.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 20.</span> <a name="pgfId=949039"></a> More specifically, the Remonstrants, as they were also called, were Reformed Pastors who taught election on the basis of foreseen faith, a universal atonement, resistible grace, and the possibility of lapse from grace. Schaff points out that the five points of the Remonstrants later became tenets of Wesley's Methodists and the Episcopalian Church. (Schaff, Creeds, Vol. I, 516.)</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 21.</span> <a name="pgfId=949147"></a> http://arminiantoday.blogspot.com/2007/09/synod-of-dort.html (accessed July 6, 2008).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 22.</span> <a name="pgfId=948922"></a> William A. McComish, <em>The Epigones: A Study of the Theology of the Genevan Academy at the Time of the Synod of Dort</em> (Pickwick Publications, 1989) at 59.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 23.</span> <a name="pgfId=949058"></a> "Synod of Dort," <em>Wikipedia</em>, at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Synod_of_Dort (accessed July 6, 2008).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 24.</span> <a name="pgfId=949095"></a> Dewar, M.W., "The British Delegation at the Synod of Dort - 1618-1619," <em>The Evangelical Quarterly </em>(Ap-Je, 1974) 46: 103-16.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 25.</span> <a name="pgfId=948846"></a> If it is binding, then why do we not follow all its rulings? "Christmas, Easter, Ascension...holydays are all denounced by the assembly at Dort...." <em>Groesbeeck v. Dunscomb</em> (New York Practice Reports, 1871) at 302, 344.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 26.</span> <a name="pgfId=948849"></a> "The First Chapter of Ephesians, or Personal Predestination," <em>Freewill Baptist Quarterly</em> (Oct. 1868) at 388, 397.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 27.</span> <a name="pgfId=948959"></a> William A. McComish, <em>The Epigones: A Study of the Theology of the Genevan Academy at the Time of the Synod of Dort </em>(Pickwick Publications, 1989) at 48.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 28.</span> <a name="pgfId=948975"></a> McCormish calls this "a shameful judicial murder, when John of Olden Barneveld, the foremost citizen of the Netherlands, after forty years of the noblest public service, was beheaded on an absurd charge of treason...." McComish, <em>The Epigones: A Study of the Theology of the Genevan Academy at the Time of the Synod of Dort </em>(Pickwick Publications, 1989) at 124-25. He was killed</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 29.</span> <a name="pgfId=949165"></a> Samuel Parr, LL.D, <em>The Works of Samuel Parr</em> (Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1828) at 212.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 30.</span> <a name="pgfId=948755"></a> "The Friends believed that God's grace did not filter through the hierarchy of the religious elite, but reached each person directly. In taking this theological approach, the Quakers bypassed the authority of clergy and rulers, and recognized that the common person could be elevated to the `priesthood of all believers.' This rendered the current cultural order obsolete and formed the core ideal of the American republic that would arise more than a century later." "The Flushing Remonstrance" in the Liberty Magazine, available online at http://www.libertymagazine.org/article/articleview/532/1/86/ (accessed 7/5/2008).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 31.</span> <a name="pgfId=948758"></a> "The Flushing Remonstrance" in the <em>Liberty Magazine</em>, available online at http://www.libertymagazine.org/article/articleview/532/1/86/ (accessed 7/5/2008).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 32.</span> <a name="pgfId=948763"></a> "Boston Martyrs," http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boston_martyrs (accessed 7/5/2008).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 33.</span> <a name="pgfId=944603"></a> The difference between a <a name="marker=944602"></a> Puritan and a Pilgrim is simple. A Puritan wanted to purify the Anglican church. The Pilgrim was a Puritan who gave up the effort, and decided a life of pilgrimage to others lands to live a Christian life. See <a href="file:///C:/JWOPDF/Lessons/Calvin%201555%20Subversion%20of%20Geneva%20Democracy%20Repeated%20in%201579.html#36936" class="XRef"> </a> . Hence, Pilgrims were known as Puritans who separated from the Anglican church. See http://www.pilgrimhall.org/PSNoteNewPilgrimPuritan.htm (2/24/2008).</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 34.</span> <a name="pgfId=944610"></a> These are the editor's words in a footnote to Thomas Paine, <em>The Theological Works</em> (J.P.Mendum: 1859) at 181.</p>
|
||||
</div>
|
||||
<div class="footnote">
|
||||
<p class="Footnote"><span class="footnoteNumber"> 35.</span> <a name="pgfId=944615"></a> "Salem Witch Trials," http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salem_witch_trials (accessed 2/18/2008). "Much, but not all, of the evidence used against the accused was `spectral evidence,' or the testimony of the afflicted who claimed to see the apparition or the shape of the person who was allegedly afflicting them." Id. The Rev. William Milbourne, a Baptist minister in Boston, publicly petitioned the General Assembly in early June 1692, challenging the use of spectral evidence by the Court. Milbourne had to post 200£ bond or be arrested for "contriving, writing and publishing the said scandalous Papers." Id. To the same effect was the petition on June 15, 1692 of twelve local ministers including Increase Mather, Samuel Willard, and Cotton Mather. It was entitled The Return of several Ministers to the Governor and Council in Boston, cautioning the authorities not to rely entirely on the use of spectral evidence, stating, "Presumptions whereupon persons may be Committed, and much more, Convictions whereupon persons may be Condemned as Guilty of Witchcrafts, ought certainly to be more considerable, than barely the Accused Persons being Represented by a Spectre unto the Afflicted."</p>
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<p><a href="/Audio/music-store-manager.html">Only Jesus</a> (great song by Big Daddy)</p>
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<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/justjesus0ece-20">Just Jesus: His Living Words (2011)</a></p>
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<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/jesusonchurchstructure-20">Jesus' Words on Church Structure</a> by S. Rives</p>
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<h2><a href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/didcalvinmurderservetusamazon.html"><em><img src="/images/stories/calvin.jpg" alt="calvin" style="float: right; margin-left: 5px;" height="233" width="175" /></em></a>Did Calvin Murder Servetus?</h2>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">In the 1540s, Miguel Servetus wrote Calvin a scribbled insult on a page of the Institutes. It said anyone who held Calvin's doctrine of infant baptism "had a demon." In 1546, Calvin announced that he would not let Servetus leave alive if he set foot in Geneva. Was Calvin's decision to kill Servetus based upon spiritual principles, or revenge? Standford Rives, a lawyer of many years in a Calvinist congregation, carefully examines the case, and finds out the terrible and shocking truth.</span></p>
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<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/justjesus0ece-20">Just Jesus: His Living Words (2011)</a></p>
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<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/jesusonchurchstructure-20">Jesus' Words on Church Structure</a> by S. Rives</p>
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<h2>Background Material on Servetus Affair of 1553</h2>
|
||||
<h2>1. Founding of USA and Its Constitution</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Calvin revealed himself at Geneva, especially in the Servetus Affair, as less than an advocate of free speech and the freedom of religion. Yet, modern Calvinists claim our USA revolution was a Calvinist Revolution. Calvinists also claim the Christians who led our Revolution were Calvinists. Are these claims true? No.<br /><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Lessons/Appendix on Founding Fathers.pdf" title="Founding of the USA and Its Constitution"></a> <a href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/founding-fathers.html">HTML Version</a></span></p>
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<h2>2. Was The Spirit for Religious Freedom Among Calvinists or Anti-Calvinists?</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">The first demands for freedom of religion in America were made in the 1657 Remonstrances by English citizens within the Dutch Republic. Even though article 13 of the Dutch Constitution protected the freedom of religion, the Calvinists had usurped that, and had persecuted those who resisted the Dutch Reformed Church in the Netherlands. By 1657, the Calvinists had extended this Calvinist persecution to Boston and New Amsterdaam (N.Y.) -- Dutch colonies. Thus, the 1657 Remonstrances was the first seed of religious liberty planted in America. It was specifically planted<strong><em> against Calvinist encroachment </em></strong>on the guaranteed freedom of religion in the Dutch Constitution of 1579. Thus, to say our revolution was Calvinist is absurd. We copied almost all of the Dutch Republic's institutions, but they were all formed prior to the usurpation of Calvinism in the Netherlands to take control. But to say our revolution, and its major concern over freedom of religion was spearheaded by the one denomination known for religious persecution, and which used the state to encroach on the freedom of religion in Connecticut, Massachusetts and New Hampshire (all state-imposed Calvinist churches in the colonies) is exceedingly silly.<br /><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Lessons/Dutch Republic - Calvinist subversion of freedom of religion.pdf" title="The Danger of Calvinism to the Freedom of Religion in the Netherlands"></a><a href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/dangerofcalvinism.html" title="The Danger of Calvinism to the Freedom of Religion in the Netherlands">HTML Version</a></span></p>
|
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<h2>3. The Servetus Affair Teaches The Intent of the First Amendment</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Jefferson mentioned four times the Servetus Affair in his writings. In the First Amendment, Jefferson unquestionably desired to separate church from state in the sense violated at Geneva in 1553. One can only understand Jefferson's rationale for the First Amendment, and his words about separation, when one reads Jefferson's attacks on Calvin's behavior in the Servetus Affair. <br /><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Lessons/Origin of Our First Amendment & The Servetus Affair.pdf" title="The Origins of Our First Amendement & the Servetus Affair"></a><a href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/ourfirstamendment.html" title="The Origins of Our First Amendment and the Sevetus Affair">HTML Version</a></span></p>
|
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<h2>4. Books in the Public Domain on Servetus Affair</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;"><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Books/Chaufpierre The_life_of_Servetus__tr__by_J__Yair.pdf" title="Chauffpierre, Life of Servetus 1771 (Calvin Apologist)">Chauffpierre, Life of Servetus, 1771 [Calvin Apologist]<br /></a><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Books/Hodges Impartial_history_of_servetus 1724.pdf" title="Hodges, Impartial history of Michael Servetus, 1724 (Calvin Critic)">Hodges, Impartial History of Michael Servetus, 1724 [Calvin critic]<br /></a><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Books/WrightAn_Apology_for_Dr__Michael_Servetus 1809.pdf" title="Wright, An Apology for Dr. Michael Servetus, 1809 (Calvin Critic)">Wright, An Apology for Dr. Michael Servetus, 1809 [Calvin critic]<br /></a><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Books/Servetus article The_Encyclopaedia_Britannica vol 21 1888.pdf" title=""Servetus," Encyclopedia Britannica, 1888 (Neutral)">"Servetus," Encyclopedia Britannica, 1888 [neutral]</a><br /><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Books/Mannapology_right_of_private_judgment_pseu_servetus_v_calvin_1775_pp_1-50.pdf" title="Mann, Cursory Remarks . . .or an Apology for the Private Right Judgment ">Mann, Cursory Remarks...or an Apology for the Private Right Judgment...by Michael Servetus, 1775 [Calvin critic]</a></span></p>
|
||||
<h2>5. Calvin's Subversion of Geneva in 1555 and Responsibility For Later Killing of Heretics</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Calvin set the precedent of killing heretics in Geneva in 1553. This was then used in 1555 to kill political opponents, and gain hegemony over Geneva. This tactic was repeated again in 1581 to subvert the young Dutch Republic which guaranteed religious liberty in its Constitution. Calvinists usurped the laws of the Netherlands, and then created a de facto state church out of the Dutch Reformed Church. They then persecuted and killed Christians who dissented from their views. They did this in the Council of Dort in 1619, and then again with the Boston Martyrs in 1659-1661. This tendency to kill anyone who was suspected of being different also led to the Salem Witch Trials, again perpetrated by Calvinist Puritans trying to imitate the Geneva Republic. For a detailed 27 page analysis, see this <a title="Calvin Subversion" href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/calvin-subversion.html">webpage </a>hosted here.</span></p>
|
||||
<h2>6. Calvin's Moral Responsibility for Catholic Slaughter of Calvinists</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Calvin bears moral responsibility for the Catholic decision to kill Calvinists in the Netherlands and in France between 1568 and 1572 while leaving the Lutherans alone. This is because Lutherans did not believe in persecuting heretics, while Calvin, due to the Servetus Affair of 1553, endorsed killing heretics in 1554 as a means of deflecting the charge of murder over killing Servetus. Calvin's failure to admit his failing led to this poor excuse. The consequent message to Catholics was that they were in danger if the French Huguenots or the Calvinists of the Netherlands rose in influence because then they were a threat to kill Catholics as heretics. The Catholics then predictably made a pre-emptive strike on the Calvinists of France in 1572 (at least 25,000 were killed) and the Netherlands in 1568 (20,000 were killed). For a detailed 22 page analysis see this <a title="Calvin Bear Responsibility" href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/calvin-bear-resonsibility.html">webpage</a> hosted here.</span><a target="_blank" href="/images/stories/Lessons/Does Calvin Bear Responsibility for Later Slaughter by Catholics of Calvinists.html" title="Calvin's Moral Responsibility for Catholic Slaughter of Calvinists"><br /></a></p>
|
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<h2>7. Lord Acton's Example Of A Christian's Duty To Expose Murder On Religious Pretexts</h2>
|
||||
<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Lord Acton was a Catholic who 300 years after the St. Batholomew's Massacre felt compelled to expose the Pope and his cardinals' responsibility for the murder of 25,000 to 100,000 French Huguenots. Lord Acton believed that because the Catholic Church claimed it was upolding true doctrine, it was important to remember it committed mass murder. It needed to repent. Lord Acton is an excellent example that Calvinists should imitate with respect to Calvin's role in killing Servetus. No matter how much time has gone by, it is imperative that those who claim to be the heirs of someone who turns out to be a murderer need to confess the crime, and seek repentance from all those following the criminal's doctrines and who honor his memory. For extensive analysis on Lord' Acton's exposure, see this <a title="Lord Acton Example" href="/Did-Calvin-Murder-Servetus/lord-acton-example.html">webpage</a> hosted here.</span></p>
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<td valign="top" >"The apostle (Paul)<strong> lied </strong><span style="font-weight: normal;">[about Peter not] walking</span> uprightly...." (Jerome, quoted by Augustine 397 A.D.)</td>
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</div>
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|
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|
||||
</div>
|
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<div class="moduleS1">
|
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<div>
|
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<div>
|
||||
<div>
|
||||
<h3>Recommendations</h3>
|
||||
<p><a href="/Audio/music-store-manager.html">Only Jesus</a> (great song by Big Daddy)</p>
|
||||
<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/justjesus0ece-20">Just Jesus: His Living Words (2011)</a></p>
|
||||
<p><a href="http://astore.amazon.com/jesusonchurchstructure-20">Jesus' Words on Church Structure</a> by S. Rives</p>
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<h2>The Origins of Our First Amendment & The Servetus Affair</h2>
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<h2>A. Background of the US First Amendment</h2>
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<p><span><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">The phrase "[A] hedge or </span><em>wall of separation</em><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;"> between<em><strong> the garden of the church</strong></em> and the <strong><em>wilderness of the world</em></strong>" was first used by Baptist theologian </span><a style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;" title="Roger Williams (theologian)" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roger_Williams_(theologian)">Roger Williams</a><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">, the founder of the colony of </span><a style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;" title="Rhode Island" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rhode_Island">Rhode Island</a><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">, in his 1644 book </span><em><a class="mw-redirect" title="The Bloody Tenent of Persecution" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Bloody_Tenent_of_Persecution">The Bloody Tenent of Persecution</a></em><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">.</span> <span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">In "The Bloody Tenent" Wikipedia, we read:</span></span></p>
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<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;"><span>Using biblical reasoning, the book argues for a "wall of separation" between </span><a title="Separation of church and state" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Separation_of_church_and_state">church and state</a><span> and for state toleration of various Christian denominations, including Catholicism, and also "paganish, Jewish, Turkish or anti-Christian consciences and worships."</span><sup><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Bloody_Tenent_of_Persecution#cite_note-0">[1]</a></sup><span> The book takes the form of a dialogue between Truth and Peace and is a response to correspondence by Boston minister, </span><a title="John Cotton (Puritan)" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Cotton_(Puritan)">John Cotton</a><span>, regarding Cotton's support for state enforcement of </span><a title="Religious uniformity" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religious_uniformity">religious uniformity</a><span> in Massachusetts. Through his interpretation of the Bible, Williams argues that </span><a title="Christianity" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christianity">Christianity</a><span> requires the existence of a separate </span><a title="Civil authority" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_authority">civil authority</a><span> that may not generally infringe upon </span><a class="mw-redirect" title="Liberty of conscience" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberty_of_conscience">liberty of conscience</a><span> which Williams interpreted to be a God given right.</span><sup><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Bloody_Tenent_of_Persecution#cite_note-books.google.com-1">[2]</a><img style="float: right;" alt="bloudy_tenent_of_persecution_for_cause_of_conscience_by_roger_williams" height="292" width="220" src="/images/stories/JWOBook/bloudy_tenent_of_persecution_for_cause_of_conscience_by_roger_williams.jpg" /></sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">In 1776, Jefferson and James Madison were delegates and close friends in colonial Virginia's legislature although Jefferson was eight years Madison's senior. In 1776, Madison proposed to Virginia's Constitution:</span></p>
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<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;"><span>[A]ll men are equally entitled to the full and </span><br /><span>free exercise of [religion], according to the </span><br /><span>dictates of conscience...." (Craig Smith, <a href="http://www.csulb.edu/~crsmith/mad.html">Madison and the Constitution</a>.)</span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">From this point forward "the two became fast friends upon meeting in 1776 and remained friends until Jefferson's death fifty years later on July 4, l826." (<em>Id</em>.)</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">In 1779, Jefferson this time took the lead in the Virginia legislature to get such a bill passed. <span> I</span><span>n 1779 Jefferson presented a bill to guarantee full religious liberty to all Virginians—not merely tax exemptions to non-Anglicans. Jefferson met with resistance from those who deemed his measure too radical. Among them was Patrick Henry, who countered by proposing a “general assessment” on all citizens to support Christianity itself as the established religion of Virginia. “What we have to do I think is devoutly to pray for his [Henry’s] death,” Jefferson joked in a letter to Madison.</span><span> (<a href="http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/eighteen/ekeyinfo/sepchust.htm">National Humanities Center</a>.) The bill failed.</span></span></p>
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<p><span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">Jefferson and Madison were undaunted, and continued to press the Virginia legislature to grant the right of religious liberty. Madison responded to Henry that government's role was not to promote any religion. If Virginia sponsored all Christian religions, as Henry requested, it would be dangerous to liberty, for “Who does not see that the same authority, which can establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other Religions, may establish with the same ease any particular sect of Christians, in exclusion of all other Sects?” </span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;"><span>In 1785, Thomas Jefferson wrote </span><a target="_blank" href="http://historyofideas.org/toc/modeng/public/JefVirg.html"><em>Notes on the State of Virginia</em></a><span> (1785), and said in similar fashion: “The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say that there or twenty gods or no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.” (C.L. Heyrman, "<a href="http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/eighteen/ekeyinfo/sepchust.htm">The Separation of Church and State</a>.")</span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;"><span>In 1786, the Virginia legislature finally passed </span><a target="_blank" href="http://www.vahistorical.org/sva2003/vsrf.htm">Jefferson’s bill for religious freedom</a><span>. It provided that “…no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever…<strong><em>nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief</em></strong>; but that all men shall be <strong><em>free to profess,</em></strong> and by argument to maintain, their opinion in matters of religion, and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities.” (<em>Id.</em>)</span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">The reasoning of the two men -- Madison and Jefferson -- were so identical on this issue that when Jefferson in 1789 sent his draft provision on what became the first amendment, it read almost identical to what Madison drafted -- even though Jefferson's version came late in the mails from France during 1789. In it Jefferson insisted that "all persons shall have full and free liberty of religious opinion; nor shall any be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious institution." (</span><a style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;" href="http://www.history.org/foundation/journal/spring07/jefferson.cfm">History.org</a><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">.)</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">Thus, by long collaboration in the Virginia Legislature on the identical terms of what became the First Amendment, it can fairly be said that <strong><em>both</em></strong> Madison and Jefferson were its drafters.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;">On January 1, 1802, Jefferson explained the thinking behind the First Amendment to the Baptist Association of Danbury, Connecticut, and being the literate man Jefferson was, he alluded to Roger William's book of 1644 -- <em>The Bloody Tenent </em>which mentioned the goal of a 'wall of separation between church and state':</span></p>
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<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman', times;"><span>"Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should ‘make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,’ thus <strong><em>building a wall of separation between Church & State</em></strong>."</span>(</span><span>Boyd, Julian P., Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, et al, eds. </span><a target="_blank" rel="external" class="external text" title="http://tjportal.monticello.org/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=6323" href="http://tjportal.monticello.org/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=6323"><em>The Papers of Thomas Jefferson</em></a><span>. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950 at </span><span>36:258. Source: <a href="http://www.monticello.org/site/research-and-collections/jeffersons-religious-beliefs#footnote9_7nwwu3x">Monticello.org</a>.)</span></p>
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<h2>B. The Servetus Affair</h2>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">The Servetus Affair helps us further understand our First Amendment. In fact, that episode with Servetus was an event mentioned many times by the first drafter of the First Amendment, Thomas Jefferson. It indubitably helps explain what he meant by the rationale for the First Amendment as creating a separation of church and state.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">What a history lesson teaches is that the modern practice of distinct boundaries -- the church having domain over conscience and the state over true crimes -- was the real objective behind the doctrine of separation of church and state as reflected in the First Amendment. (<em>Reynolds v. U.S.</em> (1879) (that metaphor "may be accepted almost as an authoritative declaration of the scope and effect of the amendment.") Thankfully, the First Amendment has largely succeeded in its original purpose.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">However, because many modern jurists have forgotten the Servetus Affair, they are also slowly losing grip on the true meaning of and purpose of the First Amendment. As a result, the law is slipping backwards as the explosion of hate-crime legislation proves.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Indeed, the concept of `separation of church and state' by Jefferson in his famous letter of 1802 was <strong><em>meant to reflect the lessons learned from the Servetus Affair</em></strong>. Jefferson was very familiar with the Servetus case, having written elsewhere that modern-day Calvinists were accusing a Dr. Cooper of "Unitarianism...as if it were a crime, and one for which, like <strong><em>Servetus</em></strong>, he should be burned...." <sup>1</sup> Jefferson also bemoaned modern day Calvinists who rely upon "their oracle Calvin who consumed the poor <em><strong>Servetus</strong></em>." <sup>2</sup> Jefferson spoke again of "the fire and faggots [<em>i.e.</em>, burning logs] of Calvin and his victim <strong><em>Servetus</em></strong>." <sup>3 </sup>In another allusion to the Servetus' case, Jefferson said "the Trinitarian idea triumphed not by reason but by the word of the fanatic Athanasius, and grew in the blood of thousands and thousands of martyrs." <sup>4</sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Only with that context can one deeply understand Jefferson's famous letter of 1802 (and Roger William's reference in 1644). Jefferson explains the rationale to the First Amendment was to form "<em><strong>a wall of separation between church and state</strong></em>." But this did not mean a wall at the public courthouse prohibiting entry of an emblem of the Ten Commandments. It did not mean we cannot put "in God we trust" on our coins. It did not mean our patriotic anthem cannot thank God for our blessings. These are<strong><em> childish applications</em></strong> of the literal words about `separation.' </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Rather, the prohibition on Establishing Religion or Abridging the freedom of religion in the First Amendment had primarily to do with the countours of <strong><em>punishment or state burdens (like taxes) over conscience</em></strong>. Jefferson explained in this same letter to the Danbury Baptist Association (Jan. 1, 1802) what he meant. It matches precisely the lessons learned from the Servetus Affair:</span></p>
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<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">"All attempts to influence [religious thoughts] by <strong><em>temporal punishments or burdens</em></strong>, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to <em><strong>beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness</strong></em>, and are a departure from the plan of the Holy Author of our religion, who being both Lord of body and mind, yet chose <strong><em>not to propagate it by coercions </em></strong>on either, as was his Almighty power to do." <sup>5</sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Thus, Jefferson meant that the state had no role any longer in imposing on the liberty of conscience (<em>i.e</em>., our First Amendment, transgressed by "meanness" in the Servetus Affair). Conscience was the domain of the church or private belief. At the same time, the church had no right to inflict in matters of conscience the punishments or burdens that belonged to the state, such as deportation, confinement, taxes or death (<em>i.e.</em>, transgressed by Calvin's use of the criminal courts to punish heresy). Hence, <em><strong>the powers of the state were kept from the church</strong></em>. They were not to be used in matters of conscience which belonged to the kingdom of God. Hence, a wall. Luther's theory in the 1500s of two kingdoms was a precursor of this view.<sup>6</sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">What was on his mind was the same concern when Jefferson the bill which got passed into the Virginia Constitution in 1776 which ended civil punishments for not attending church.<sup>8 </sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Similar changes took place outside Virginia during 1776-1777 as the legislatures repealed taxes which had been imposed on everyone to pay for the state churches in Massachusetts and Connecticut. See our discussion of the same under the "<a href="/JWO/glasites.html">Glasite</a>" movement which influenced such new ideals.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Hence, the wall of which Jefferson spoke was <em><strong>not to separate any emblem of Law that comes from religion such as the Ten Commandments. </strong><span style="font-style: normal;">He would laugh if someone wished to take 'In God We Trust' off our coin.</span><strong> </strong></em>Rather, what was on the mind of the founders was the Servetus Affair, and the need to put<em><strong> a wall separating the church from any longer using the state's power to punish or coerce to force a religious belief or practice upon any single individual</strong></em>. If you failed to believe, or failed to attend church, or did not want to support a church body, the punishment or imposing a burden on your decision <strong><em>no longer belonged to the state</em></strong>.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Thus, reviewing the Servetus Affair helps remind us that the principle of 'separation of church and state' did not originate to remove symbols of religion on public land or buildings or coins. To think religion could be established by mere civic expressions of a generalized faith in God or appreciation for the Ten Commandments is silly. To think that prohibiting such activities was the First Amendment's intended purpose (or could ever be its intended meaning) is to lose sight of its true message that the state should not impose its terrifying penalties or painful burdens for wrong belief or failure to financially support a church. Putting up the 10 Commandments in Court imposes no penalties for looking away. Putting "in God we trust" on a bill does not reward its user for its use, or penalize anyone who does not agree with its statement.</span></p>
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<h2>Implication on Hate Crime Legislation</h2>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">This is why modern hate crime legislation,<sup>9 </sup>which exacerbates criminal penalties based on hateful beliefs, is so inimical to the underlying premise of the separation of church and state. The true theory behind that phrase was that matters of private <strong><em>belief</em></strong>, whether religious or otherwise, would no longer be punished with criminal penalties. Once hate crimes were legitimized in the U.S.,<sup>10</sup> and now exist in 43 states, it was no surprise that<strong><em> expressive</em></strong> gestures that do no physical harm but which `intimidate' others can now be criminalized, so says the Supreme Court. <sup>11</sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">The better solution is to use wholesome teaching on civic responsibilities, supported by appropriate civil damages after-the-fact and/or injunctions to correct the effects of invidious bias and socially-unacceptable ideas (<em>e.g</em>., false and misleading defamation, civil rights violations, etc.). On the other hand, it should be strongly presumed as<em><strong> wrong to use criminal penalties to change the way people think</strong></em>. Hate-crime legislation should be subjected to the heighest scrutiny, given the original goals of the First Amendment. It was originally intended to correct for the<em><strong> abuse of criminal laws over conscience</strong></em>, as the Servetus Affair was etched into the minds of those who drafted the amendment.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Thus, whenever criminal penalties today are heightened purely on the basis of <em><strong>socially undesirable</strong></em> thoughts, that hits at the core of what the First Amendment sought to eradicate. Having lost the memory of the Servetus Affair has caused the loss of memory of what was the core purpose of the First Amendment. This memory loss has opened the door to approval of hate-crime legislation among other slips in upholding freedom of speech and religion.</span></p>
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<h2>Side-Note on Jefferson's Support of Government Bequests to Christian Causes</h2>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Many claim that Jefferson's own legislative policies prove the state can fund Christian causes in the USA without violating the Establishment of Religion Clause. They cite the fact Jefferson supported the federal government giving money to build a Catholic church for an Indian tribe, and supporting Congress giving missionary money to preach the gospel to the `heathen.'<sup>7</sup></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">However, Jefferson probably regarded support of a Christian religion among non-US citizens, <em>i.e.</em>, Indians (as they were then viewed as a 'foreign nation') and "heathen" in other lands did not transgress the Establishment of Religion clause of the First Amendment. It is doubtful he would have agreed on such expenses to promote a specific church or religion among US citizens inside the USA.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">For more information, see "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constitution">First Amendment</a>,"<em>Wikipedia.</em></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;"><em>See also</em> Philip Hamburger, <a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=s1pzTh9oh2gC">Separation of Church and State</a> (2002)<br />--------------------------------------------------------------------------------</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">1. May 1820, quoted in <em>The Jeffersonian Cyclopedia</em> (1900) at 207.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">2. Edwin Scott Gaustad, <em>Sworn on the Altar of God: A Religious Biography of Thomas Jefferson</em> (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1996) at 177.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">3. Thomas Jefferson, <em>Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies: From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson</em> (F. Carr & Co., 1829) at 45-46.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">4. Charles B. Sanford, <em>The religious life of Jefferson</em> (1984) at 90.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">5. <em>Social and Political Philosophy</em> (John Sommerville & Ronald E. Santoni, eds.) (1963) at 247. The back-draft negative effect of zealous pursuit of mere heresy was that we lost the ability to prosecute the only religious crime which was ever legitimately also a public crime: blasphemy. But since we are not angels, and do not follow the Bible's requirement of two eye-witnesses, it appears we are far from ready to ever re-invigorate such a crime into modern codes.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">6. Justo L. Gonzalez, <em>The Story of Christianity </em>(Harper Collins, 1984) at 36.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">7. David E. Guinn, <em>Faith on Trial: Communities of Faith, the First Amendment, and the Theory of Deep Diversity</em> (Lexington Books, 2006) at 31.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">8. Marion Levy, Leonard W. Levy,<em> Seasoned Judgments: The American Constitution, etc</em> (Transaction Publishers, 1997) at 100.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">9. Once authorized by the Supreme Court in 1993, hate-crimes are now used in 43 states. They provide enhanced penalties if a defendant in committing the crime acted with a purpose to intimidate an individual or group of individuals because of race, color, gender, handicap, religion, sexual orientation or ethnicity. A hate crime is not a crime where the hateful motive is relevant to proving the elements of crime, contrary to how some explain these laws. So far, a hate crime is something already criminal which is<em><strong> punished more severely because the ideology (motive) behind the hate was a societally-rejected bias</strong></em>.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">10. In approving hate-crime legislation, the Supreme Court engaged in a euphemism to resolve its contradiction of sound jurisprudence. It first admitted correctly this principle: "But it is equally true that a defendant's <strong><em>abstract beliefs</em></strong>, however <strong><em>obnoxious to most people</em></strong>, may not be taken into consideration by a sentencing judge." <em>Wisconsin v. Mitchell</em>, 508 U.S. 476, 485 (U.S. 1993). However, then by labelling the enhancement as punishing the <strong><em>evil motive </em></strong>of selecting a victim due to an ideology (there racism), the Supreme Court said this was not punishing thought, <em>i.e.</em>, abstract beliefs. Yet, it is indeed punishing thought, albeit a more dangerous thought that may lead to crimes.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">Dr. Phyllis Gerstenfeld in <em>The Hate Debate and Policy Problems</em> (Sage Publications: 2004) mentions this criticism, and says "I admit to <strong><em>still feeling ambivalent</em></strong> on this matter myself." She adds: "I remain<strong><em> firmly on the fence</em></strong>." (<em>Id.</em>, at 3, 37.) In other words, she feels queezy about adding penalties to an act that is already criminal solely because of the kind of thoughts held by the perpetrator. Perhaps the biggest problem is that such a statute, in the wrong hands, is an evil weapon, which we saw how it worked in Calvin's hands in 1553. Today, any prosecution of any crime, if a prosecutor wishes to intimidate a defendant, can turn your life upside down. The prosecutor simply starts<em><strong> interviewing all your friends and family to find out any hateful thoughts you ever expressed about a person in the category of your alleged victim.</strong></em> If it is there, the prosecution becomes a vendetta against your abstract thoughts if they can fall into the category of 'evil motive.' Hence, we have arrived at punishing abstract thoughts on the pretense we are not doing so, and are merely punishing an evil motive. These are words without any distinction.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'times new roman', times; font-size: 12pt;">11. "The First Amendment permits Virginia to outlaw cross burnings done with the intent to intimidate because burning a cross is a particularly virulent form of intimidation."<em> Virginia v. Black</em>, 538 U.S. 343, 363 (U.S. 2003)(held without such limitation, it was unconstitutional).</span></p>
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